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2024 Georgian parliamentary election

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2024 Georgian parliamentary election

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All 150 seats in Parliament
76 seats needed for a majority
 
Leader Irakli Kobakhidze Tina Bokuchava Mamuka Khazaradze
Party GD[a] UNM Lelo
Alliance Unity Strong Georgia
Leader since 8 February 2024 8 July 2024 17 July 2024
Last election 90 39[c] 6[b]
Current seats 83 25 5

 
Leader Nika Gvaramia
Nika Melia
Zurab Japaridze
Elene Khoshtaria
Giorgi Gakharia
Party Ahali FG[d]
Alliance Coalition for Change
Leader since 9 July 2024 29 May 2021
Last election 2[e] Did not exist
Current seats 1 6

Incumbent Prime Minister

Irakli Kobakhidze
Georgian Dream



Parliamentary elections are being held in Georgia on 26 October 2024.[1][2][3] The elections are held under the rules passed in 2017 through the constitutional amendments which shifted the electoral system towards a fully proportional representation with a 5% electoral threshold.[4]

Although Georgian Dream (GD), the ruling party since 2012, remains the single largest party, it has lost majority support over the years and the fully proportional election — the first since Georgian independence in 1991 — is expected to benefit the opposition.[4][5][6] While opposition remained divided, several opposition parties managed to agree on creating informal coalitions to run joint electoral lists in the elections to increase their chances of crossing the 5% thershold: Unity – National Movement, Strong Georgia, and Coalition for Change. Some parties did not join any coalitions and decided to run independently, such as For Georgia, Girchi and Georgian Labour Party.[7] The majority of opposition parties have signed the Georgian Charter, agreeing on, among other things, not cooperating with Georgian Dream to form a coalition government.[8] In contrast, Girchi and Alliance of Patriots opposition parties have expressed willingness to form a coalition government with Georgian Dream in case their conditions were met, while Girchi also expressed readiness to form coalition with other opposition parties if they presented better conditions.[9][10]

The founder of Georgian Dream, Bidzina Ivanishvili, is an influential oligarch and a former prime minister often regarded as the country's éminence grise following his official departure from politics in 2021; he returned to politics several months prior to the polls to lead GD in the elections.[11] While Georgians broadly favor EU and NATO membership, they remain wary of potential conflicts with Russia, leading to GD positioning itself as the only party capable of safeguarding peace through a "pragmatic policy" with Russia amid the war in Ukraine. GD accuses the "Global War Party", which it considers to have substantial influence on Western governments, of trying to drag Georgia into the conflict.[12] Additionally, GD has promoted socially conservative policies, particularly the recent "LGBT propaganda law".[13][14][15][16]

Georgian Dream has also vowed to outlaw the vast majority of opposition political parties, accusing them of collaborating with political party UNM, which GD considers to have committed crimes during its rule, such as "dragging the country in the 2008 war with Russia" and instituting a "system of violence and torture".[17][18][19][20] Ivanishvili has also made overtures to the Kremlin, calling for an apology for Georgia's role in the 2008 war.[21] Georgian Dream has also strengthened ties with China,[22][23] while promising to join the European Union whilst "playing by Georgian rules".[24]

Opponents of GD have focused on criticising what they describe as "pro-Russian shift" of the party.[25] Denouncing Georgian Dream's rhetoric on the European integration as doublethink,[26] the opposition parties have vowed to strengthen relations with the European Union, including furthering Georgia's accession to the EU and NATO, signing a memorandum "to defend and protect Georgia's path towards European integration".[13][27] In particular, the opposition has vowed to fulfill all the EU's recommendations and open membership negotiations with the European Union.[28] Opposition parties have denounced Georgian Dream's policy as "threatening to push Georgia into international isolation and the backyard of the occupier power, Russia", as well as alienating "Georgia's Western allies and Ukraine, a defender of the freedom of the whole civilized world".[29] Besides the pro-EU opposition, Georgian Dream is also challenged by a coalition of Alliance of Patriots and Alt-Info parties, which have for years consistently campaigned on electoral issues which GD has only recently adopted, such as conservatism and strong anti-Western rhetoric.[7] All sides have presented the upcoming election as a "decisive referendum".[13]

The election was preceded by the 2023–2024 Georgian protests over controversial legislation requiring organizations receiving foreign funding to register as "foreign agents", which has sparked accusations of authoritarianism.[30][31] This law has strained relations with the West, leading to US sanctions against several Georgian officials for human rights abuses and discussions about potential aid reductions to Tbilisi.[32] The EU, which granted Georgia membership candidate status in December, has now frozen its application and warned that visa-free travel could be suspended if the upcoming elections are not free and fair.[33][34] The US Congress proposed initiatives like the MEGOBARI Act and the Georgian People's Act aimed to "combat democratic backsliding" and impose sanctions on those "undermining democracy while offering incentives to strengthen Georgia's democratic institutions".[35][36] Some analysts, on the other hand, have opined that the US and EU are interfering in Georgia's internal affairs and "undermining its sovereignity" in order to protect their large "influence network" of Western-funded NGOs in Georgia.[37][38][39]

Background

Political context

By the time of the elections, Georgian Dream had been the ruling party in Georgia since defeating Mikheil Saakashvili's United National Movement (UNM) in the 2012 parliamentary election. Announcing its plans to pursue a policy of joining the European Union and NATO, Georgian Dream has also professed a more conciliatory approach towards Russia compared to its anti-Russian opponents.[40]

However, the geopolitical strain of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict have made it more difficult to maintain a balancing act, amid statements from Ukrainian politicians that Georgia would have "greatly aided" Ukraine by opening a "second front" against Russia[41] and Western efforts to isolate Russia with international sanctions.[citation needed]

During the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Georgian government condemned Russian actions and provided humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, but did not join sanctions against Russia, which allowed an influx of Russian capital and highly skilled Russians dodging military mobilization.[citation needed] Russia, in turn, did not approve the proposal of Georgia's breakaway de facto South Ossetian republic to hold a referendum on joining the Russian Federation[42] and, despite otherwise hostile relations, has not put Georgia on its unfriendly countries list.[43]

On 25 February 2022, large protests took place in front of the Georgian parliament in Tbilisi, lasting for six consecutive days to show solidarity with Ukraine. The demonstration took on an anti-government tone, reflecting growing frustration with the Georgian authorities' allegedly inadequate response to Russian invasion.[44][45][46]

Elene Khoshtaria, leader of the Droa party, addressed the crowd, demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili and his administration. She called for immediate and effective actions to support Ukraine, such as closing the sky to Russia, and urged Georgia to apply for EU membership.[47]

Protesters in Tbilisi condemn the Georgian government's allegedly insufficient support for Ukraine.

The rally also underscored dissatisfaction with the government's handling of the crisis. Protesters were angered by obstacles created for volunteers and the government's refusal to join Western sanctions against Russia.[48] On February 28, Georgian authorities did not give landing permission to a Ukrainian charter sent to transport Georgian volunteers from Georgia to Ukraine.[49] Georgian Dream's leader Mamuka Mdinaradze said that Georgia could not send volunteers to Ukraine because Georgia was in vulnerable position and it would risk a war with Russia.[50] In response, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy's decided to recall Ukraine's ambassador to Georgia.[51] Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili also announced that Georgia would not join Western sanctions against Russia because it would harm the Georgian economy more than it would hurt Russia, fueling the rising anti-government sentiment in the protests.[52] Garibashvili also noted that neither the West nor Ukraine imposed sanctions on Russia during or after the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, and even continued "business as usual", including a Russian reset, while Georgia was being asked to sacrifice itself and "destroy its economy".[53]

In June 2022, the European Union refused to approve Georgia's application to join the union, citing alleged media censorship and the government's refusal to join international sanctions against Russia.[54] This led to mobilization by the opposition against the government.[55] In turn, the sovereignist faction People's Power broke away from Georgian Dream in August 2022, and proposed legislation to regulate foreign influence by creating a special registry to monitor politically active foreign-funded organizations, many of which are Western-funded.[56][57] While the government claimed that the bill was necessary for public disclosure and transparency, the opposition, aided by the statements of Western embassies and politicians, managed to mobilize protests to tackle the bill, likening it to Russian foreign agent law and saying that it would have jeopardized Euro-Atlantic integration, ultimately leading to the parliament withdrawing the bill.[58]

On 8 March 2023, tens of thousands of people gathered in front of the Parliament, demanding a halt to further discussions on the law. Opposition leader Giorgi Vashadze issued an ultimatum, calling for the rejection of the bills and the release of those detained during the protests.[citation needed]

Amid protests in Tbilisi, the Russian Foreign Ministry issued a statement, cautioning against the violent change of power in Georgia,[59] with some Russian politicians suggesting Russia might use military means in case of "instability on the Russian border". In September 2023, the State Security Service of Georgia claimed to have uncovered plans of the opposition and the Western-funded groups to stage a coup in Georgia with the support of Ukraine-based Georgian oppositionist politicians.[60][61] This in turn led to the pro-Russian Georgian opposition Conservative Movement party and the TV channel Alt-Info starting to mobilize an "Anti-Maidan movement" to counter the alleged coup.[62]

A banner reads "Yes to Europe" in bold letters

However, in December 2023, the European Union decided to grant Georgia candidate status following the release from prison of opposition journalist Nika Gvaramia, who had been arrested on charges of abuse of power and embezzlement, and the parliament's decision to turn down impeachment proceedings against pro-opposition president Salome Zourabichvili.[63][64][65] In late December 2023, Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili summarized the year by saying that the government had managed to "preserve the peace" amid the threat of destabilization caused by "radical groups and hostile forces operating within the country",[66] and also to secure EU candidate status for Georgia.[67]

In early 2024, Georgia again experienced a significant political crisis and public unrest due to the reintroduction of the "foreign agent" law, which many citizens perceived as a threat to civil liberties and democratic principles. The leader of parliamentary majority Mamuka Mdinaradze said that the reason for reintroduction of the bill was the continued circulation of slush funds in the country through non-governmental organizations and covert foreign financing of political activities.[68] On 8 April, the Bureau of the Parliament of Georgia registered the bill for the parliamentary discussions.[69] Critics said that the law, requiring organizations and individuals receiving foreign funding to register as "organizations carrying the interests of a foreign power," was a measure to stifle dissent and limit the activities of NGOs and independent media. Protests erupted across the country, with demonstrators calling for the repeal of the law and the "protection of democratic freedoms". The government's response to the protests varied, with some efforts to engage in dialogue, while many instances of police violence were reported.[30][70][31]

Bidzina Ivanishvili addressing a rally supporting the Georgian Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence, 29 April 2024

On 11 May, a record-breaking protest rally took place, widely regarded as the largest in Georgian history. Despite the rain, tens of thousands gathered at four key locations in Tbilisi: First Republic Square, Marjanishvili Metro, 300 Aragveli Metro, and Tsereteli Avenue. Demonstrators marched along both banks of the Kura, with the four streams of protesters converging symbolically at Europe Square in Metekhi to celebrate Europe Day. Estimates suggest that at least 169,000 people participated, with some reports indicating peak numbers of up to 200,000 or even 300,000.[71][72][73] The widespread opposition to the law underscored deep-seated concerns about the future of democracy and human rights in Georgia.[citation needed] Protesters and other critics, including the European Union and Western countries, spoke out against the bill, arguing that it would stifle democracy and freedom of the press in Georgia and comparing it to the Russian foreign agent law.[74] European Union and the United States officials have been vocal in their opposition to the bill, considering that "Georgia does not need this law" and that its passage despite repeated calls from the EU "to retract such legislation" was unacceptable.[75][76][77][78] Proponents of the bill denied this characterization, claiming it would ensure transparency of foreign funding and protect Georgia's sovereignty from malign foreign influence. People's Power has argued that the law would protect democracy and the sovereignty of Georgia from foreign interference through financing of NGOs with a goal of promotion of foreign agendas.[79][80] Some have also criticized the European Union and the United States for interfering in Georgia's internal affairs and undermining its sovereign power to pass its own laws, and blackmailing Georgia with European Union candidate status and US sanctions in order to maintain their right to interfere into Georgia's sovereign ability through "unlimited" and "undisclosed" foreign funding of NGOs.[81][38] They have also emphasized that local NGOs should be grassroots rather than reliant on foreign funding.[38]

Hundreds of protesters obstructing traffic at Heroes Square

In August 2024, Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze said that he expected the elections to be held against the backdrop of "unprecedented" and "disruptive" foreign interference.[82] His expectation was also shared by the Speaker of Parliament Shalva Papuashvili, who cited the Danish government-sponsored "Festival of Democracy" event, organised by the non-profit organisation Eastern European Centre for Multiparty Democracy in Telavi, presenting banners demanding the release of Mikheil Saakashvili from prison. He said that foreign funding was funneled into Georgian politics for the purpose of election campaigning in favor of the radical opposition parties against the ruling party.[83]

On 5 October, President Salome Zourabichvili announced in an interview that she has a candidate in mind for the position of Prime Minister if the creation of a coalition government becomes relevant. She noted that the Georgian Charter requires the Prime Minister to be selected in consultation with the President. While she did not disclose the candidate’s identity, Zourabichvili emphasized that the person has no political background, which she believes is important for building public trust and reducing political polarization. She also mentioned that she will soon begin negotiations with opposition parties that signed the charter.[84][85] A day later, Shalva Papuashvili, during a briefing, revealed that the impeachment procedure against the president would be re-initiated. He cited her foreign visits without government permission, including trips to France, Germany, and Poland last week, as one of the reasons for the move.[86]

On 20 October 2024, thousands of Georgians gathered in Tbilisi for a pro-European rally, just days before the elections. Demonstrators, carrying Georgian and EU flags, converged at Freedom Square after marching from five different locations across the city. The crowd chanted the national anthem and sang Europe's Ode to Joy, while holding banners with messages like "Georgia chooses the European Union".[87][88] The rally was attended by an estimated 90,000 to 100,000 people.[89]

Zourabichvili joined the rally at Freedom Square, where she reaffirmed Georgia’s commitment to joining the EU. In her speech, she expressed solidarity with Ukraine and Moldova, directly addressing their leaders, Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Maia Sandu. Zourabichvili praised Sandu’s leadership, endorsing her re-election bid and wishing for pro-European outcomes in the upcoming referendum. She commended Sandu for successfully guiding Moldova on its European path. Additionally, Zourabichvili extended her support to Zelenskyy, emphasizing that his fight against Russia is not only for Ukraine but also for Georgia, as both nations face shared Russian aggression. In conclusion, she urged Georgia's European and American partners to recognize the country's unwavering commitment to a European future, declaring that Georgia is already a winner on its path towards EU integration.[90]

Georgian Charter

On 26 May 2024, In response to the 2023–2024 Georgian protests, President Salome Zourabichvili introduced the Georgian Charter, an action plan aimed at "fostering unity among opposition parties ahead of the parliamentary elections". The Charter, announced during Georgia's Independence Day celebrations, seeks to create a platform for the opposition to present a unified stance. Zourabichvili's proposal emphasizes a new electoral format where voters will choose between the ruling party and a coalition of opposition parties. The plan includes forming a temporary government post-elections to implement key reforms intended to "enhance democratic processes and align Georgia more closely with European standards", after which new elections will be held. The Charter's main goals include repealing laws that the opposition considers as hindrances to European integration and undertaking significant judicial and electoral reforms to ensure "a fair and democratic process".[91][92][93]

The president emphasized that the October parliamentary elections should focused on the question of "what direction the country should take rather than which individuals or parties should be elected". She stated that the 2024 elections will effectively act as a referendum on whether Georgia seeks closer integration with Europe.[94]

File:Georgian Charter Signatures.jpg
Signatories of the Georgian Charter

So far 17 political parties from the opposition, including: UNM, Strategy Aghmashenebeli, Ahali, Lelo, European Georgia, Girchi – More Freedom, Droa, Citizens, For Georgia,[95] For the People, the Republican Party, the Greens Party of Georgia, For Justice, European Democrats, Law and Justice, Tavisupleba, State for the People and the National Democratic Party, as well as 5 individual MPs have signed the Georgian Charter presented by the president.[96][97][98]

Some opposition parties refused to sign the agreement. Girchi has praised the president Salome Zourabichvili's initiative 'Georgian Charter' for attempting to bring opposition together, nevertheless, they criticized her for not taking their opinions into consideration and refused to sign it.[99][100] Initially the For Georgia party also did not join the agreement, saying that they supported the reforms outlined in the charter, however, they said that talking about forming a temporary government post-elections was damaging to the pre-election process.[101] However, For Georgia later reversed its decision and signed the Charter.[102]

The ruling party MP Nino Tsilosani alleged that the opposition parties did not sign the agreement independently but were "influenced by Western embassies".[103]

Foreign reception

European Union

On October 6, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) adopted a resolution on Georgia at its Congress in Estoril, Portugal, condemning "democratic regression and persecution of opposition" under the Georgian Dream government. The resolution called for sanctions on Bidzina Ivanishvili and his family, opposed the Foreign Agents and anti-LGBT laws, and emphasized the need for free and fair elections and democratic reforms in line with the EU's criteria. It also criticized "political persecution, violence against opposition, and disinformation campaigns", urging the EU to support civil society, strengthen election monitoring, and impose sanctions on "those undermining democracy". ALDE also supported the initiation of EU accession negotiations following democratic reforms.[104]

On October 9, the European Parliament adopted the resolution "On the Decline of Democracy and Threats to Political Pluralism in Georgia" with 495 votes in favor and 73 against. The resolution urged the European Union to freeze aid to the Georgian government, impose sanctions on Bidzina Ivanishvili and other individuals responsible for the "erosion of democracy", and ensure that "anti-democratic laws are aligned with the criteria for visa liberalization".[105]

Additionally, the draft resolution called on the Georgian government to halt its campaign of "opposition intimidation and anti-Western disinformation, impose sanctions on Russia, release former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds, and ensure a peaceful transfer of power based on electoral outcomes".[106][107]

A number of MEPs made supporting statements in favor of resolution. A member of Volt Netherlands Reinier van Lanschot said that the upcoming elections "will define Georgia for generations". He said that the democracy in Georgia has been being "attacked" by the Georgian Dream party, which had been "creating a Russian nightmare". He called the Georgian Dream "being afraid of democracy" because "good democracy deals corrupt leaders". He stated that "a new generation of young leaders who can build an open culture and parliamentary democracy" in Georgia "count on our support".[108] MEP Markéta Gregorová said that Georgia was being "taken over" by Russia and urged Europe not to be "too late to the fight". She urged to suspend the EU candidate status and the visa liberalisation for Georgia, while aiding the Georgians who "to lead to fight" against the government.[109]

A number of MEPs criticized the resolution. MEP Nacho Sánchez Amor, a member of Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, criticized the resolution on grounds that it posed a "risk of being accused of interference" by Georgian government and Russia, with the resolution serving as a proof.[110] MEP Thierry Mariani, a member of National Rally, said that the resolution was aimed to influence the Georgian elections, and possibly causing Maidan in Georgia in case of Georgian Dream victory, while noting that only Georgians should decide their future without the interference either from Brussels or Kremlin. Mariani said that the resolution would destabilize the democracy in Georgia in favor of foreign interests.[111] MEP Petar Volgin, a member of Revival party, said that Georgia was being threatened with sanctions for refusing to be an "Euro-Atlantic puppet" and "colony". He said that the same mechanism was working in other countries too, including in his home country Bulgaria, to undermine a national state and promote globalist doctrines.[112] MEP Danilo Della Valle, a member of Five Star Movement, said that it was wrong to attempt to manipulate Georgian elections by the EU and USA. He also spoke against "an attempt to impose a certain geopolitical vision on countries, such as Georgia, dictated by NATO and the United States" amid the war in Ukraine.[113]

Germany

On 10 October, the German Bundestag adopted resolution called "A European future for Georgia", initiated by the Alliance 90/The Greens and Free Democratic Party. The resolution highlited the "authoritarian tendencies in the country ahead of crucial elections" and called the German Federal Government to ensure "no further progress occurs in Georgia's EU accession process" until the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence is in place, "take note of any violations that could lead to targeted sanctions" against the Georgian government and advocate for "free and fair parliamentary elections". The CDU/CSU, Alternative for Germany and Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance voted against, while The Left abstained.[114] In response to the resolution, AfD initiated a motion which "opposes regime change policy in Georgia".[115]

Russia

Russia claimed that there were “unprecedented attempts at Western interference” in the election and accused Western countries of “trying to twist Georgia’s hand” and “dictate terms”.[116]

United States

Proposed MEGOBARI Act

On July 11, 2024, the United States House Committee on Foreign Affairs passed the MEGOBARI Act (Mobilizing and Enhancing Georgia's Options for Building Accountability, Resilience, and Independence Act)[117] with a vote of 41 to 6. Initiated by Republican Congressman Joe Wilson, the Act—named after the Georgian word for "friend" (Georgian: მეგობარი, romanized: megobari)—addresses "democratic and human rights issues in Georgia" and outlines specific measures for support and oversight. The MEGOBARI Act emphasizes "the U.S. commitment to upholding democratic values, human rights, and the rule of law" in Georgia. It acknowledges the progress made by Georgian civil society and stresses the need to "strengthen democracy for regional stability and U.S. interests".[118]

The Act responds to recent "democratic backsliding" by calling for increased scrutiny of the Georgian government's actions, particularly "its ties to Russia and other authoritarian regimes".[119] To ensure accountability, the Act mandates several reports on issues such as "corrupt practices that support Russian interests and evade sanctions, Russian intelligence activities, and potential Chinese cooperation". It also includes sanctions and travel bans on "individuals undermining Georgian democracy". A Democracy Monitoring Task Force will be established to "oversee democratic practices", especially during elections, to "ensure fairness".[120] Should "significant democratic progress be confirmed", the MEGOBARI Act provides for additional U.S. assistance, including a more preferential trade agreement with Georgia, enhanced people-to-people exchanges and visa simplification, an economic modernization package, and security and defense support against Russian aggression.[121]

The Act received strong bipartisan support, with committee members highlighting its importance for "supporting Georgia's democratic aspirations and countering Russian influence".[122][123][124] Secretary of State Antony Blinken also announced visa restrictions for those "undermining Georgian democracy", further demonstrating U.S. commitment.[125][126]

Georgian opposition representatives have expressed their gratitude to Congressman Wilson for his support, praising the Acts focus on Georgia's sovereignty, democracy, and Euro-Atlantic integration. They urged Congress and the Senate to pass the legislation quickly and requested additional resources and congressional visits to monitor the October parliamentary elections, given the critical nature of this support.[127][128] Conversely, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze criticized the MEGOBARI Act, labeling it as blackmail. He argued that the Act could harm Georgia-U.S. relations and criticized the approach of using sanctions and threats. Instead, he called for more constructive and pragmatic discussions to improve bilateral relations.[129][130] The ruling Georgian Dream party issued a statement, saying that the MEGOBARI Act constituted a "blackmail, intimidation" against the independent Georgian policy and "especially cynical" in the light on Georgian celebration of Independence Day two days before. The party condemned the threat of sanctions against legislators for "voting in favor of a law" and added that this was against the spirit of cooperation between sovereign nations. The party rejected the possibility of following the MEGOBARI Act, saying that "we do not intend to trade on our country's sovereignty and security, and no blackmail whatsoever can force us to go against our country".[131]

Sanctions

On 16 September 2024, the US Department of State announced visa restrictions for 60 "Georgian government officials and others who have undermined Georgia's democracy and the human rights of the Georgian people". These included senior government officials, municipal figures, business leaders, law enforcers, lawmakers and etc.[132] Additionally, the United States Department of the Treasury imposed financial sanctions on 4 Georgian citizens under Magnitsky Act for "undermining fundamental freedoms". Namely, the Chief of Special Task Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia Khareba Kharazishvili and his deputy Mileri Lagazauri were sanctioned, along with the leaders of the Conservative Movement/Alt-Info party Zura Makharadze and Konstantine Morgoshia.[133]

Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze called the sanctions on Georgian officials an "insult to Georgian state".[134] On 3 October, the US embassy to Georgia confirmed that Bidzina Ivanishvili was not sanctioned by the US government.[135]

On 20 September, Voice of America (VoA) reported that the U.S. State Department and Treasury are preparing sanctions against Bidzina Ivanishvili. According to a high-level anonymous source, this marks a significant shift, as the sanctions package is now ready for implementation. However, it is still unclear when these sanctions will be enacted, potentially before or after the elections.

One official stated that Ivanishvili had taken steps to deepen ties with Russian oligarchs and worked to increase Russia’s influence in Georgia’s market, actions allegedly done under the guidance of Russian intelligence. The sanctions would target these activities under Executive Order 14024, which allows for sanctions related to "harmful foreign activities of the Government of the Russian Federation."

An additional anonymous source familiar with the discussions told VoA that the administration’s efforts serve as a signal to the Georgian government, stressing that the U.S. is serious about its concerns. "The Biden people are trying to convey the seriousness and hope that somebody in the Georgian government is listening in a serious way," the source explained. While it remains unknown when the sanctions will be implemented, the necessary preparations are in place, with the administration continuing to hope for a shift back toward a more democratic course in Georgia.[136]

Parties and coalitions

There was a split within the largest opposition United National Movement party months prior to the elections.[137] In January 2023, Levan Khabeishvili unseated Nika Melia from the position of United National Movement chairman after winning internal party elections. Accusing Khabeishvili of being a protégé of shadowy businessman Davit Kezerashvili, Melia announced a break with the UNM and plans for his own party in December 2023.[138] On 11 March 2024, Melia announced the formation of Ahali party. He was joined by Nika Gvaramia, another former UNM member and founder of pro-opposition Mtavari Arkhi TV.[139] On 8 June, Tinatin Bokuchava became chair of the United National Movement, succeeding Khabeishvili, who resigned due to health complications.[140]

On 20 July 2023, the United National Movement announced an alliance with Strategy Aghmashenebeli of Giorgi Vashadze.[141] According to Khabeishvili, the coalition, named "Victory Platform", will center around former president Mikheil Saakashvili. Imprisoned on charges of abuse of power and violence, Saakashvili will lead his party in the election from prison.[142]

On 30 December 2023, Bidzina Ivanishvili, a founder of Georgian Dream, announced his return to politics as honorary chairman of Georgian Dream, suggesting he would play an active role in the election campaign.[11]

On 8 February 2024, Irakli Kobakhidze was confirmed by the parliament as the new Prime Minister of Georgia from the ruling Georgian Dream party.[143]

In March 2024, the People's Power movement was registered as a political party, and is expected to participate in the election.[144]

On 11 April, the Public Registry revoked the registration of the Conservative Movement party, banning it from participating in the election. In June 2024, it was announced that the party would merge with the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia and run together in the election.[145][146]

On 8 July, the Chair of the United National Movement, Tina Bokuchava, announced a new political platform named "Unity – to Save Georgia". This platform aims to bring together the United National Movement, Strategy Agmashenebeli — two parties that have been in "Victory Platform" coalition for a year already — as well as representatives from other parties, civil society, and academia. The new platform will use the UNM ballot number 5 in the upcoming elections.[147]

On 9 July, three opposition parties, Ahali, Girchi – More Freedom, and Droa, announced their decision to post a joint election list for the Parliamentary elections in October. The leaders mentioned that an expected alliance with another party, Lelo, did not materialize due to "minor differences".[148] Subsequently, this alliance was renamed to "Coalition for Change".[149] On August 18, the Republican Party and the youth organization of Georgian Azerbaijanis "Activists for the Future" joined the coalition.[150][151][152]

On June 24, 2024, the leader of Alliance of Patriots of Georgia Irma Inashvili announced that ten conservative parties and civic organizations signed the "Declaration of Unity of the Patriots of Georgia," starting a coalition aimed at unifying traditionalist forces to promote a conservative agenda in the next parliament. The declaration invited all individuals who shared this worldview to join, fostering inclusivity while critiquing the dominant narratives of the GD and the UNM, which have "marginalized conservative voices." Its primary goal is to ensure robust representation of conservative values and interests in the Georgian Parliament.[153][154][155] On 10 July, it was reported that several parties would run under the banner of Alliance of Patriots alongside Conservative Movement/Alt Info to foster a joint electoral efforts: Georgian Idea, Georgian Mission, Conservative-Monarchist Party, Christian-Democratic Movement, and National Unit.[156]

On July 16, Mamuka Mdinaradze, Executive Secretary of Georgian Dream, announced during his speech at the opening of the election campaign and the new central office of Georgian Dream that People's Power will participate in the parliamentary elections with a common list alongside the ruling Georgian Dream party.[157][158]

On July 17, Lelo for Georgia, For the People, and the political movement Freedom Square announced their unification under a single electoral list for the upcoming elections.[159] Subsequently, this alliance was renamed to "Strong Georgia". Later in August, the Citizens party also joined the alliance.[160]

On August 1, a majority of the European Georgia electoral list, chosen during the party’s internal primary election, left the party, including key figures Giga Bokeria and Tamar Chergoleishvili. The split arose from disagreements with other key figures, Gigi Tsereteli and Akaki Bobokhidze over the primary results.[161][162]

Later, on August 15, the members who left European Georgia formally established a new party called the Federalists.[163][164] 2 days later European Georgia, in an announcement with the Unity coalition, announced that it would be running on a joint list with the UNM and Strategy Aghmashenebeli.[165] On September 25 the Federalists confirmed that they will not participate in the elections, as they were late in registering the party. Despite this, the party called on its supporters to remain engaged and vote against the Georgian Dream.[166]

The Central Election Commission of Georgia refused to register European Socialists, Union of Georgian Traditionalists and Generations for Georgia parties, citing their failure to comply with the legislative requirment to present signatures of 25 thousands voters for the registration. Along with them, 8 other parties were refused registration. Therefore, they will not take part in the elections.[167] Ilia Injia, the son of European Socialists leader Fridon Injia became a Georgian Dream candidate.[168]

At a special briefing on September 16, Salome Zourabichvili emphasized the need for a "positive, third center" to provide opposition-leaning and undecided voters with a clearer choice and announced the forthcoming coalition of two major opposition forces: Strong Georgia and ex-Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia’s For Georgia.[169]

She expressed her support for their readiness to unite and invited them to the Orbeliani Palace on September 17 to complete the final steps of the negotiations. Zourabichvili concluded by asserting, “I am confident that this is what society expects from you.”[170][171] The Georgian Dream MP Giorgi Kakhiani accused the President of allegedly showing her political symphaties towards these parties with her invitation, which he claimed was a violation of the Georgian constitution requiring the President to be neutral.[172]

The following day, after a meeting at the presidential administration, Khazaradze acknowledged that while some issues persist, including questions regarding the events of June 20, 2019,[173] and the Anaklia Sea Port project, he and Gakharia are united in their goal to oust the ruling Georgian Dream party. Khazaradze emphasized the critical need for the country to decide between a path aligned with Russia or a future integrated with Europe.[174]

Gakharia mentioned that Khazaradze had requested additional time to clarify his stance, indicating that negotiations were still ongoing. Gakharia reaffirmed his party's commitment to prioritizing Georgia's democratic path. He expressed gratitude to president Salome Zourabichvili for facilitating the dialogue and highlighted the upcoming elections as crucial in preventing any single party from dominating Georgian politics.[175][176][177]

On September 19, For Georgia announced via Facebook that the negotiations collapsed,[178] citing internal disagreements within Strong Georgia. However, Mamuka Khazaradze, refuted this claim, saying Strong Georgia was ready to sign the deal but was waiting for the president's invitation to finalize it. The alliance was intended to challenge the dominance of the ruling Georgian Dream party and the opposition UNM, potentially attracting hesitant voters. Despite this, disagreements, particularly over the former prime minister’s controversial past and issues of equal representation on the joint party list, led to the breakdown.[179]

On 25 September, Strong Georgia announced that former President Giorgi Margvelashvili had joined their coalition.[180]

In overall, 27 parties were registered for the October elections.[181]

On voting day, Zourabichvili expressed hope that the election would bring an end to "one-party rule in Georgia".[182]

List of major coalitions or political parties

List of major parties and coalitions which take part in the election.

# Party/Coalition Constituent parties Leaders Last election (2020) Ideology
41 GD Georgian Dream Georgian Dream
People's Power
Irakli Kobakhidze GD: 48.22%
PP: N/A
Populism, Conservatism, Soft Euroscepticism
5 U–NM Unity – National Movement United National Movement
Strategy Aghmashenebeli
European Georgia
Tinatin Bokuchava UNM: 27.18%[f]
SA: 3.15%
EG: 3.79%
Liberal conservatism, Pro-Europeanism
4 CC Coalition for Change Ahali
Girchi – More Freedom
Droa
Republican Party
Nika Gvaramia
Nika Melia
Zurab Japaridze
Elene Khoshtaria
Ahali: N/A
G–MF: N/A
Droa: N/A
Republicans: N/A
Liberalism, Libertarianism, Pro-Europeanism
25 FG For Georgia For Georgia
Conservative Party[183]
Giorgi Gakharia FG: N/A
CPG: 0.16%
Social democracy, Technocracy, Pro-Europeanism
9 SG Strong Georgia Lelo for Georgia
For the People
Citizens
Freedom Square
Mamuka Khazaradze Lelo: 3.15%
FP: N/A
Citizens: 1.33%
FS: N/A
Liberalism, Social democracy, Pro-Europeanism

List of minor coalitions or political parties

List of minor parties and coalitions which take part in the election as of the 2 October.[184]

# Party/Coalition Constituent parties Leaders Last election Ideology
3 Party of Georgian Unity and Development Kamal Muradkhanovi
6 EG European Democrats Paata Davitaia Pro-Europeanism
8 APG Alliance of Patriots Alliance of Patriots
Conservative Movement/Alt-Info
Georgian Idea
Christian-Democratic Movement[156]
Irma Inashvili
Davit Tarkhan Mouravi
APG: 3.14
CM/Alt-Info: N/A
GI: 0.43%
CDM: N/A
National conservatism, Right-wing populism, Hard Euroscepticism, Russophilia
10 GLP Georgian Labor Party Shalva Natelashvili 1.00% Social Democracy, Pro-Europeanism
12 Our United Georgia Isaki Giorgadze Reformism
13 Social Democratic Party of Georgia Avtandil Veltauri Social democracy
16 Change Georgia Giorgi Gagnidze 0.07% Populism
17 Georgia Giorgi Liluashvili 0.06%
20 FG Free Georgia Kakha Kukava 0.33% National conservatism
21 Tribuna Davit Tchitchinadze 0.14% Left-wing populism
23 C Chven Vacant[185] Pro-Europeanism
26 Left Alliance Konstantine Gugushvili Left-wing nationalism
27 Georgian Unity Gaioz Mamaladze Nationalism
36 NPC-Girchi New Political Centre - Girchi Iago Khvichia 2.89% Libertarianism

Campaign and party programmes

Georgian Dream

On 21 August 2024, the ruling Georgian Dream party officially announced starting a pre-election campaign.[186] The first campaign event was launched in the Georgian town of Mtskheta on 22 August.[187] A second campaign event was held in Ambrolauri in Racha-Lechkhumi and Kvemo Svaneti region.[188] The Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, who leads the electoral office of the ruling party, announced the delegates who would run the party's election campaign. Kobakhidze added that all delegates would be present in the ruling party's electoral list and represent their cities and regions in the Georgian Parliament.[189] Soon after, the Chair of the Government of Autonomous Republic of Adjara, Tornike Rizhvadze presented the ruling party's delegates to run the campaign for the elections of the Supreme Council of Adjara, which is held along with the elections for Georgian Parliament.[190]

On 20 August, the Political Council of Georgian Dream issued a statement, saying that the election would be a referendum on "on war vs. peace, traditional values vs. moral degradation, subservience to external powers vs. an independent and sovereign state". The party urged its supporters to "put everything aside and come out to vote", emphasizing the need for the ruling party to secure a constitutional majority in the election to implement its long-term goals. The party presented the objectives for which it would use the constitutional majority. The Georgian Dream pledged to have the former ruling United National Movement party banned upon winning office, accusing it of various crimes against the Georgian people during its rule, including pushing Georgia into the war with Russia in 2008 and seeking to embroil Georgia into a "second front" of the Russo-Ukrainian War. According to the statement, the existence of the UNM, "which is entirely controlled from outside and is constantly engaged in hostility towards the state", makes the healthy democratic process and alteration of political forces "impossible".[191]

The ruling party also promised to fully pass the Protection of Family Values and Minors bill, which it had already initiated in the Georgian Parliament. The bill, intended to ban the "LGBT propaganda", has been justified by the ruling party by a necessity of preventing the spread of "pseudo-liberal ideology" into Georgia from outside.[191]

The third objective outlined by the ruling party revolved around reintegrating Georgia's Russian-backed separatist regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. According to the statement, given the "dynamic development of events", Georgia might get a chance to "peacefully restore" its territorial integrity at "any time", therefore, "it will be necessary to amend the Constitution of Georgia to bring Georgia's governance system and territorial state structure in line with the new reality". According to the ruling party, the "externally-controlled anti-state" opposition parties would not be willing to support the restoration of territorial integrity, therefore, it would be necessary for the ruling party to hold constitutional majority.[191][192]

There has also been a fourth issue related to "protecting Georgia's identity and national values", however, the statement said that the issue was still under discussion within the ruling party.[191] Later Bidzina Ivanishvili, the founder of the Georgian Dream, elaborated that the issue was related to "faith", with several observers speculating on a plan to make the Orthodox Christianity a state religion in Georgia.[191][193]

After a several-month hiatus, Bidzina Ivanishvili delivered a speech in Mtskheta. Addressing the crowd from a specially arranged rostrum surrounded by bulletproof glass, Ivanishvili followed speeches by other Dream leaders. Bidzina Ivanishvili's speech largely reiterated the contents of the statement published by the Georgian Dream party a day earlier.[194]

His address began with a sharp critique of the United National Movement. He presented the upcoming October 26 elections as a pivotal moment to hold the UNM accountable, likening it to a "Nuremberg trials". According to Ivanishvili, securing a constitutional majority would be crucial for the Georgian Dream to effectively address and eliminate what he described as a "severe disease" that has plagued the country for two decades. He asserted that this majority would enable legal action to ban the UNM and its affiliated parties, citing legal grounds for such a move.[195]

Ivanishvili emphasized that the UNM continued unrest and wartime influence in Georgia, rendering its conviction increasingly relevant. He vowed that the Georgian Dream would not permit the country to remain on a politically unstable path and that a constitutional majority would preclude any external influence from protecting the UNM from political consequences.[195]

He further asserted that the October 26 elections should serve as a decisive moment for the Georgian people to render judgment on the UNM and its associations, including "foreign agents engaging in anti-state activities". According to Ivanishvili, only after replacing UNM with the "patriotic political forces" would Georgia be able to conduct "truly healthy elections".[195]

In his speech, Ivanishvili also referenced the proposed "LGBT propaganda bill" initiated by the Georgian Dream. He suggested that with a constitutional majority, the party would be positioned to pass this legislation.[195]

Additionally, Ivanishvili discussed the potential for bringing the issue of Georgia's territorial integrity back onto the agenda, which would necessitate constitutional amendments. He indicated that such changes would include revisions to the system of government and territorial arrangements, asserting that the UNM would obstruct these efforts and impede the restoration of territorial integrity.[195]

Finally, Ivanishvili announced the prospect of another constitutional amendment aimed at protecting Georgia's identity and national values. He provided few details, citing ongoing consultations.[196][197]

It was later confirmed that the amendment focuses on designating Orthodox Christianity as the state religion. The ruling party branded this initiative as part of their commitment to uphold "national values and traditions," in line with their campaign promises to ban "LGBT propaganda" and reinforce the role of the Church.[198] In contrast, the Georgian Orthodox Church has expressed skepticism, fearing that such a change could compromise its independence and increase government control. High-ranking clergy members, including Metropolitan Shio Mujiri and Metropolitan Nikoloz Pachuashvili, have raised concerns about the potential implications of this proposal, arguing that it could alter the traditionally independent yet cooperative relationship between the state and the Church established by the 2002 Concordat.[199]

After the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) turned down the ruling party's proposal on declaring the GOC as the state religion in Georgia, on 31 August, during the campaign rally speech in Ozurgeti, Bidzina Ivanishvili once again addressed the issue. He confirmed the ongoing discussions between the Georgian Orthodox Church and the ruling party on the constitutional status of the Georgian Orthodox Church. He said that the proposed amendment by the ruling party would clarify the Orthodox Christianity as the "pillar of the Georgian statehood" and emphasize its role in the country's history and present.[200]

The leader of the opposition Lelo for Georgia party Mamuka Khazaradze responded to the proposal by saying that his party would support the amendment. He also accused the Georgian Dream party of manipulating with the issue, asking it to hold vote on the proposed amendment prior to the October elections. Khazaradze stated that "Georgia does not and will not exist without the Georgian Orthodox Church".[201]

Later, Prime Minister of Georgia Irakli Kobakhidze clarified that Georgian Dream intends to ban a number of political parties described as the "Collective UNM" by Kobakhidze, which includes: the Unity – National Movement (UNM, European Georgia, Strategy Aghmashenebeli), Coalition for Change (Ahali, Girchi – More Freedom, Droa, Republican Party), Strong Georgia (Lelo, For the People, Freedom Square, Citizens) alliances, and the For Georgia party founded by former Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia. He accused these groups of secretly aligning with the United National Movement and called for criminal investigations against figures like Mamuka Khazaradze of Lelo. Kobakhidze stated that if the Constitutional Court deems the "collective National Movement" unlawful, their parliamentary mandates should be revoked after the elections.[202][203] According to Kobakhidze, the prohibition of political parties is considered a democratic process when there is a legal basis for it. He argued that in a democratic state, such actions are justifiable. Kobakhidze noted that political parties have been banned in Ukraine and Moldova, and similar measures have received positive evaluations from the EU.[204]

The EU has expressed concern over Georgian Prime Minister and officials' statements about plans to ban opposition parties, emphasizing that "political pluralism is crucial for democracy", additionally noting that "the EU is monitoring the situation closely and has all options on the table to respond".[19] Speaker of Parliament and member of ruling party Shalva Papuashvili criticized the remarks of European officials, saying that the step can not be considered as undemocratic, citing Gldani prison scandal which has revealed systemic and widespread torture in Georgian prisons during the UNM's rule that lasted from 2003–2012. He said that the UNM practiced "the system of violence and torture" while in power. Papuashvili criticized the European Union for letting the UNM leader Saakashvili to move to Europe after the end of his presidency and letting him escape justice in Georgia, as well as for shielding Saakashvili and his UNM party from responsibility for many years. He additionally stated that the reports on the intention to ban all opposition parties are "merely disinformation".[205]

Mamuka Mdinaradze, executive secretary of the Georgian Dream, emphasized the necessity of maintaining peace, working to restore territorial integrity, and preserving traditional values and independence. He emphasized that only Georgian Dream was capable of preserving peace with Russia, and at the same time pushing for the country's European integration. At the same time, Mamuka Mdinaradze emphasized the importance of traditional values and Christianity for the Georgian identity. Ultimately, He framed the party's campaign promises as "surviving physically and surviving spiritually".[206][207]

File:Bidzina-Ivanishvili-e1725887123607.png
Bidzina Ivanishvili, addresses party supporters from behind bulletproof glass at the meeting in Akhaltsikhe.

On 8 September, Bidzina Ivanishvili addressed the public during the campaign event in Akhaltsikhe. He highlightedthat the victory of the Georgian Dream in the 2012 Georgian parliamentary election "brought freedom" to Georgia from the "Collective UNM" and called the public to preserve these achievements. He said that GD's rule was marked by "12 years of continuous peace", warning that the "Collective UNM" was "eyeing war", once again accusing them of "provoking the August 2008 war" and "trying to drag Georgia into Russia's war against Ukraine" by opening a "second front" under the direction of "foreign patrons". He promised to put an end to the "violent attempts to impose pseudo-liberal values on our people from foreign countries", instead vowing to secure a "dignified place" for Georgia in the European Union.[208] He remarked:

On October 26, the Georgian population, unfortunately, will not decide between good and better; because of the radical opposition, the people without a motherland, on October 26 we will decide between war and peace, [between] pseudo-liberal values and nationality, family, faith and values based on independence, we will decide between the dignified European future of our country and the unacceptable reality that the radical opposition, with its foreign actors, wants to present as European.

— Bidzina Ivanishvili during the Georgian Dream campaign rally in Akhaltsikhe.[208]

Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze also reiterated the message, accusing the UNM of "authoritarianism, murder, and torture of people", saying that these have nothing to do with actual European values. He accused the UNM of being backed by external "Party of War", and highlighted that the Georgian Dream government "is the first administration since the restoration of independence under which the country has not been involved in war". He said that with the UNM in power the country would be "in a much more difficult situation, like Ukraine is today".[209] He furthermore stated that 26 October election pitted against each other "statelessness and love of country, militant atheism and respect for the Church, slavery and sovereignty, moral degeneration and traditional values, war and peace", calling it a "decisive referendum".[210]

On 14 September 2024, Ivanishvili made a public speech during the campaign event in Gori. During his speech, he highlighted what he called a "terminal threat" of the country being dragged into the Russo-Ukrainian war, saying that the opposition seeks to open a second front against Russia. He also elaborated on Georgian Dream's electoral promises. He called the opposition the "union of criminals" who make the "healthy democratic process" in Georgia "impossible". He once again accused the former ruling United National Movement of the 2008 war with Russia and seeking to embroil the country in the Russo-Ukrainian war. He called the 2008 war the "treason" committed by the then ruling United National Movement party and blamed it for the Russian occupation of the Georgian territories. Ivanishvili reiterated that the ruling party would seek to ban the United National Movement and its "satellite parties" on grounds of their responsibility for the 2008 Russo-Georgian war.[211]

Ivanishvili also reiterated that the ruling party try to pass the "LGBT propaganda bill". He alleged that the "morality of Georgian man" was under attack from the opposition and its "foreign patrons". Ivanishvili claimed that they sought to make the Georgian people subservient by making it forget "its own past, history and values". He made a pledge to enshrine the family values in the Georgian constitution.[211]

Ivanishvili once again addressed the question of the constitutional status of the Georgian Orthodox Church. He said that Georgia and Orthodox Christianity are inseparable from each other, and described Christianity as a pillar of the Georgian and its European identity. He said that the Georgian Orthodox Church was under attack by the "internal and external enemies", and pledged to pass the constitutional law to declare the Orthodox Christianity as the pillar of the Georgian State's identity.[211]

Ivanishvili elaborated on his promises regarding the territorial integrity. Citing developments in the world politics, Ivanishvili claimed that the peaceful reintegration of the Georgia's Russian-backed separatist republics could become relevant soon, which would necessitate changes to the Georgia's constitution.[211]

Ivanishvili also stated what he claimed to be his "main message" which he had not voiced previously. He said that "a political assessment" was finally given to the 2008 war, blaming the UNM for provoking it and calling it the "worst crime committed by them". Ivanishvili accused the UNM of committing "many atrocities" which he claimed were proved by evidences. Ivanishvili claimed that the 2008 war was "a well-planned provocation from the outside against the Georgian and Ossetian people, the purpose of which was to split unity, destroy relations and make them exist in conditions of endless, artificial confrontation". He stated that the 2008 war was "ordered from outside" and executed by the "stateless agents". He pledged to hold the "Nuremberg trials" for the UNM and also said that Georgia needs to apologize to the Ossetian people for "the flames of fire in which our Ossetian brothers and sisters were enveloped by the traitorous National Movement in 2008". He said that only Georgian Dream could ensure reconciliation with the Ossetian people.[211][212][213]

Ivanishvili's statements received sharp criticism from the opposition parties. The Unity – National Movement released a statement, saying that it is "Ivanishvili who should apologize for the treasonous statements". It said that his statements were in Russia's interests and undermining Georgia's non-recognition policy towards the occupied territories.[214] The U—NM called Ivanishvili's statement "a national shame". It said that the goal of Ivanishvili's statement was to "shift blame for the 2008 war from Russia to the former Georgian government".[214][215] The UNM chairman Tina Bokuchava remarked: "What does he [Ivanishvili] say to the families of our national heroes... that they and all of us have to apologize to the enemy? Georgia does not apologize to the enemy".[216] The leader of Strong Georgia, Mamuka Khazaradze, responded to Ivanishvili's statements by saying that "all wars in Georgia were started with the hands of Russia" and added that it was the "Georgian hero boys who sacrificed themselves for the motherland" deserving an apology for the current state of Georgia. Khazaradze called Georgian Dream the "Russian Dream".[217] Grigol Gegelia from Lelo for Georgia said that the statement about the apology was "shameful" and that the final result of Ivanishvili's policy would be Georgia officially "falling into the clutches of Russia". Nika Gvaramia, a leader of Coalition for Change, said that with his statements Ivanishvili attempted "to destroy the dignity of our country" and "falsify history against our motherland". Beka Liluashvili, a member of For Georgia party, said that Ivanishvili's statements had "very troubling accents" as they "removed Russia as an occupying state" and "blamed the Western world" for the war.[216] Alexander Rakviashvili, a leader of Girchi, stated that "our soldiers, family members of fallen soldiers and population has nothing to apologize for because it was Russia who attacked us". He said that Ivanishvili should apologize for his statement.[218] Many relatives of Georgian soldiers who died in the 2008 war, such as the wife of Giorgi Antsukhelidze, who was tortured by the South Ossetian militants, publicly denounced Ivanishvili's statements.[219][220][221][222][223]

The former president of the partially recognized, Russian-backed South Ossetia, Eduard Kokoity, responded critically to a recent statement made by Ivanishvili. Kokoity described Ivanishvili's statement as "bold" but questioned its sincerity. He reiterated that his position on the Russo-Georgian War had not changed, maintaining that Saakashvili and his government were "international criminals" who should be punished. However, he criticized the notion of solely blaming Saakashvili and the United States, calling it simplistic and short-sighted, and argued that all of Georgia was responsible for aligning with the West.

Kokoity further insisted that Georgia should recognize South Ossetia’s independence, sign peace agreements, and return disputed territories, including the Truso and Gudauri gorges, which he referred to as "ancestral Ossetian lands." He dismissed the economic reparations previously proposed by Georgia as insufficient, emphasizing the significant loss of life and emotional trauma suffered by the Ossetian people. In his remarks, Kokoity urged Ossetians not to become "puppets" of political and public groups funded by Ivanishvili and expressed concerns that Georgian intelligence services might become active in South Ossetia. He concluded by asserting that any peace between Georgia and South Ossetia must be "on Russia's terms," with South Ossetia and Abkhazia serving as key outposts for Russia in the South Caucasus to ensure "regional stability".[224][225]

On 28 September, Ivanishvili gave speech during the rally in Telavi and addressed Kakhetians. Ivanishvili accused the UNM of trying to alienate Georgia from its national values. In particular, Ivanishvili highlighted what he described as UNM’s attack on Georgian viniculture, which he described as a part of Georgian national identity. On the other hand, he claimed that the Georgian Dream implemented state programs to restore the viniculture and winemaking industry and traditional Russian market.[226]

Ivanishvili called the UNM a "political sarcoma" to be "cut from the Georgian body". Ivanishvili reiterated his accusation against UNM of being responsible for "the tragedy of August 2008" and claimed that the UNM itself recognized that it started the war by signing the conclusion of EU’s commission headed by Heidi Tagliavini, which he claimed blamed Georgia for the war. Ivanishvili claimed that UNM was trying to keep Georgia "in a state of constant conflict and confrontation" and promised that the punishment would be strict for UNM after the elections. Ivanishvili called the leaders of UNM "Georgian by passport but stateless in mind". Ivanishvili at the same time promised the European future for Georgia "only with peace, dignity and prosperity".[226][227]

Speaker of Georgian parliament Shalva Papuashvili also gave speech in Telavi. He emphasized that "rapprochement with the European Union should not be a wordless fulfillment of instructions, but a two-way mutual examination, mutual respect, mutual acceptance, and not absorption and loss" for Georgia. He said that Georgia deserves a place in Europe as a bearer of Christian faith, and co-creators of agriculture and viniculture, which he said were woven into the European identity.[228]

Ivanishvili's Interview

On October 21, Bidzina Ivanishvili, gave a controversial 80-minute interview with the pro-government channel Imedi TV, just days before the elections. During the interview, he reiterated his threats to the opposition, criticized Western influence, and promoted conspiracy theories about global forces allegedly plotting against Georgia. He also expressed transphobic and homophobic views, presenting myths about "LGBT propaganda". His interview sparked widespread reactions and memes online, particularly regarding his comments.[229]

Ivanishvili asserted that he is being "de facto" sanctioned by the United States. He claimed that two weeks after the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, his foreign assets were frozen, including works of art and helicopters, which he had difficulty retrieving from Germany. Although he managed to transfer some assets to a Swiss bank, he has not had access to his money for a year and a half due to ongoing legal issues with Credit Suisse. He pointed out that his financial struggles have coincided with critical statements from the West.

He explained that he refused to meet with U.S. officials because it would be "counterproductive" while his access to funds is restricted. Ivanishvili expressed concern about being perceived as making decisions solely to recover his frozen assets rather than for the good of his country, stating, "If the artificial sanctions were lifted, I would be relieved of this complex".[230]

Ivanishvili claimed that foreign forces, which he referred to as the "Global War Party", were collaborating with Georgia’s liberal opposition to undermine the country. He portrayed these forces as manipulating Georgia into a conflict with Russia and stated that Giorgi Gakharia was part of this plan. He vowed that both Gakharia and other former Georgian Dream members who joined his party would be severely punished.

He also suggested that Georgia's Western partners were deliberately keeping the country out of NATO to use it in their geopolitical conflict with Russia. He accused the opposition of fabricating a "virtual reality" for the public, filled with false accusations of growing authoritarianism and democratic backsliding.

In his interview, Ivanishvili voiced his belief that the controversial "foreign agent" law, widely criticized for its potential impact on freedom of association and expression, was designed to protect the country from foreign interference. He dismissed concerns about the upcoming elections, stating that while he expected tension in the near future due to geopolitics, the situation would stabilize after the vote.

Ivanishvili also made inflammatory remarks about LGBTQ+ rights, claiming that Western countries were promoting harmful "propaganda". He cited sensational and baseless examples, such as "men’s milk" and "hygienic pads in men’s restrooms," to emphasize his disdain for what he saw as the consequences of Western social policies. He alleged that Western societies are engaging in radical practices that, according to him, undermine traditional values. He claimed that men's restrooms in some countries are now equipped with hygienic pads and that there are assertions equating "men’s milk" with women’s. Ivanishvili also described what he called “orgies of all kinds” taking place in public during pride events. He criticized the trend of avoiding traditional gender terminology, asserting that there is pressure to refrain from calling a woman a woman or a man a man. Additionally, he claimed that sexual education is being taught to children under five in kindergartens, introducing them to concepts that he believes distort gender roles. He referenced a case in which a teacher in the West was imprisoned for a second time for stating that only two genders exist, male and female, implying that traditional viewpoints are being persecuted.

Despite his harsh rhetoric, Ivanishvili expressed a desire to restore relations with the West, particularly the United States. He claimed to have resolved his previous issues with Western officials and indicated his readiness to meet with U.S. Ambassador Robin Dunnigan after the elections. However, he continued to insist that the sanctions against him, which he described as a tool of the "Global War Party", had backfired and failed to suppress Georgia.[231][232]

Unity — National Movement

Billboard and bus advertisements of the UNM-led political coalition Unity - National Movement

In early January 2022, it was revealed that imprisoned former president and leader of United National Movement (UNM), Mikheil Saakashvili, was working on a 9-point economic plan with the UNM economist Roman Gotsiridze.[233][234] On 10 January, Saakashvili announced that the plan was completed and soon to be presented to the public.[235]

The Saakashvili plan was ultimately released on 3 February. The plan outlined nine theses for economic development: judicial reform, English law, arbitration, decriminalization of economic crimes; de-oligarchization; energy development; elimination of bureaucracy and irrelevant spending; a single tax principle; Infrastructure and transport development; Lazika construction, agricultural development and "Georgian silicon valley".[236][237] It focused on deregulation, digitalization of public services, reducing corruption in the court system, democratic development, Small government, the non-interventionism in the economics and protection of the private property as the means of attracting foreign investments to stimulate the economic growth.[238]

The plan envisaged the creation of the constitutional commission on the judiciary reform, decreasing time frames for case review, and limiting corruption. It called for the unrestricted application of the English law in Georgia on the commercial matters, expansion of the application of private arbitrate, and decriminalization of economic crimes.[238] The plan outlined deoligarchization as one of its main goals and proposed to ban the individuals owning more than 5% of Georgia's GDP from joining, founding or funding political parties.[238]

Tina Bokuchava presents "5 priorities" during the campaign event in Kvareli.

The plan also envisaged Georgia's economic development model as largely infrastructure-driven. In particular, the plan focused on building new hydro power plants, railways, and airports in Georgia, for the country to become a "regional logistical and transport hub". It named the bitcoins as a major problem, citing the "Abkhaz and Georgian clans" over-exploiting electricity, and the lack of accountability.[238]

The Saakashvili plan called for outsourcing large parts of public services to the private sector and gradual downsizing of public sector. It also revived the idea of building the new Lazika city within the planned time frame of 10 years, presenting it as a future "financial capital" of the country. For the Georgian agricultural sector, Saakashvili stated that bringing new technologies from abroad would be the only viable path for the development, and also supported the idea of cutting subsidies to some sectors, which he claimed would actually stimulate more entrepreneurship and growth. The plan called for "agricultural insurance system" to be devised by the government for stimulating agricultural development.[238]

Citing Belarus, Saakashvili presented "Georgian silicon valley" as a new project. He called for Rustavi or some other city close to capital to become "tax-free zone" and privatization of enterprises there for symbolic prices with the investment obligations.[238]

On 4 September 2024, the chairman of the UNM Tina Bokuchava presented "5 priorities" of her party and coalition partners during the campaign event in Kvareli: European integration, increasing average income, increasing pension, strengthening Georgian families and breaking up monopolies. In foreign policy, the coalition promised opening accession negotiations with the European Union, negotiating free trade and visa liberalization agreements with the United States and scrapping Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. In terms of internal policy, Bokuchava promised free school meals, free housing for students and cancelling pension loans.[239]

The Unity - National Movement prioritizes securing Georgia’s membership in the European Union. Together with its coalition partners, the party plans to initiate EU accession talks immediately after winning the election, unlocking access to Georgia’s "14 billion euro European fund". Additionally, the party commits to signing a free trade agreement with the United States and securing visa-free travel for Georgian citizens to the U.S.

The party also promises to create tens of thousands of new jobs annually. A 1 billion euro EU subsidy will be allocated to agriculture, with the goal of increasing the average national salary to 3,500 lari and setting a minimum wage of 1,500 lari. Other key pledges include abolishing pension loans, raising pensions to 1,000 lari, and establishing a billion-lari fund in Mikheil Saakashvili’s name to support the return of Georgian emigrants.[240]

For Georgia

On 8 August 2024, the For Georgia party leader Giorgi Gakharia went to Batumi to meet with the people and canvass the vote. On 17 August 2024, Gakharia officially kicked off the party's election campaign with the opening ceremony in Zugdidi.[241]

Gakharia's promises during the election campaign included increasing the minimum wage from 50 GEL to 950 GEL, introducing six-month unemployment benefits and tying the increase of pensions with that of the economy.[242]

For Georgia that believes healthcare is a fundamental human right, and the state must ensure its protection. The party plans to transition to a compulsory universal healthcare insurance model, funded by excise taxes on tobacco, alcohol, and vehicle imports. Primary healthcare will be strengthened, doctors retrained, and service quality and regulated costs to ensure access to quality medicines.

The party is committed to fast-tracking Georgia’s EU integration, ensuring sectoral benefits like access to the single market, the European Energy Union, and application of digital policies before full membership. Additionally, the party advocates for NATO membership without a "Membership Action Plan" (MAP), following Finland and Sweden’s model.

Giorgi Gakharia with the For Georgia team

Economically, the party aims to establish a European-style social state, focused on sustainable and inclusive growth. Key priorities include employment programs, sectoral policy development, and an export financing agency. A 4-year infrastructure project will complete gasification, water supply, and internet access nationwide, with an emphasis on building a green economy to safeguard natural resources.

In education, the party seeks to promote critical thinking, civic awareness, and lifelong learning through improved quality, infrastructure, and financing. Defense spending will rise to 2% of GDP, and military cooperation with Western partners, especially the United States, will enhance Georgia’s defense capabilities. The depoliticization and strengthening of the State Security Service will focus on combating hybrid threats from Russia.

The party will draft a national strategy for de-occupation and peaceful reunification of the country, involving public and Western partner input within one year. Governance reforms will strengthen institutions, ensure mutual checks and balances, and promote fair, transparent elections.

Key government appointments (e.g., prosecutor general, court judges) will be made through political consensus. Judicial reforms will focus on eliminating corruption, including the removal of high-ranking officials who have lost public trust. The High Council of Justice will undergo comprehensive reform to restore integrity.

Fighting corruption is a central priority. The party promises to dismantle elite networks that enrich themselves at the expense of citizens, ensuring regional and municipal governments are free from corruption. Through fiscal decentralization, municipalities will gain more authority and resources, with anti-corruption units established locally to monitor risks.[243][244]

Strong Georgia

On 5 September 2024, the Strong Georgia coalition presented its election plan called "Ilia's way"[245] to the public in Saguramo, in the vicinity of the Ilia Chavchavadze's statue. The coalition stated that it would introduce visa regime for Russian citizens in Georgia, restrict direct flights with Russia, and ban selling agricultural land to Russians. It promised to push for Anaklia deepwater port construction and to create "200 thousand new jobs", although it did not specify what measures would be taken for this goal. It promised to introduce a heavy gambling tax and use the increased budget funds to raise pensions. Ana Dolidze, social democratic member of coalition from For the People party, presented plan to increase average income and minimum wage. She announced that these goals would be achieved in cooperation with the "business, small and medium businesses". Levan Tsutskiridze, a leader of Freedom Square party, focused on education reform. The coalition promised greater European Integration, vowing to establish special ministry to push for Georgia's accession to the EU, increase trade with the EU, and create greater opportunities for the youth to move to the European countries through student exchange programs.[246]

On 19 September, during the meeting with pensioners, Mamuka Khazaradze noted that the coalition was planning to increase the taxes on gambling from 15% to 25%, citing Illinois as an example. He also called for an end to the "exploitative practices related to pension loans and overdrafts" and promised "proper oversight" over the pension fund.[247] A key component of Lelo's platform is its 1,000 GEL pension plan for seniors, which Khazaradze assured is a concrete initiative rather than a campaign slogan. "This is about ensuring that our pensioners have the basic means to live in dignity," he explained.[248]

The coalition plans to draft regulations aimed at separating educational institutions from political control, promoting independence within the education system. Proposed initiatives include developing a school nutrition program, providing housing support for students, updating research laboratories, promoting vocational education, and increasing the number of kindergartens in municipalities with significant ethnic minority populations.

Additionally, the coalition intends to establish a national security system based on NATO best practices, which will involve reforms to the National Security Council. Plans include reinstating visa regulations for Russian citizens and limiting the influence of Russian soft power in Georgia. To address the needs of populations in occupied regions and promote peaceful conflict resolution, the coalition aims to create better educational and employment opportunities while enhancing access to prospects arising from Georgia's candidacy for European Union membership and establishing free economic and trade zones.

The coalition supports democratic governance, allowing all parties to operate freely while strengthening local self-government and decentralizing power. They plan a comprehensive review of judges through a vetting mechanism, leading to the dissolution of the current judicial council. A new council will be formed based on the vetting results, increasing the number of judges and welcoming qualified professionals from outside the existing system.

A National Anti-Corruption Agency is proposed, equipped with investigative powers and accountable to parliament. Reforms will focus on improving the state procurement system, increasing transparency regarding offshore companies, and subjecting any undocumented property obtained through corruption to confiscation. The coalition argues that existing Controversial laws hinder Georgia's European integration and do not align with national interests, and they plan to repeal these laws upon taking office.

The coalition envisions a decentralization process that provides municipalities and councils with increased financial resources and authority tailored to local needs. To achieve this, they intend to strengthen the role of councils, abolish state representative administrations, and improve the management of local revenues for greater financial independence. They will also review current administrative-territorial arrangements and the status of self-governing cities altered in 2017, while reinforcing the functions of the parliamentary committee on regional policy and self-government.[249]

Coalition for Change

On 25 September 2024, Nika Gvaramia co-leader of the Coalition for Change, announced he would not be on the coalition’s candidate list, pledging to make space for new people. The following day, it was revealed that the top spot on the CfC's electoral list would be held by Nana Malashkhia, known as the "Woman with the EU Flag," a symbol of the March protests.[250][251][252][253]

During the congress in Rustavi, Nika Gvaramia, addressed the audience. Gvaramia told the representatives of small and medium businesses that they represented "the driving force propelling this country forward" and promised them to lower taxes, attract more investments and open avenues to the European, American, and Chinese markets. In addition, Gvaramia addressed Georgian farmers, saying "do not let anyone deceive you into believing that you need state assistance every year. Do not be misled into thinking that your labour is futile or that Russia is your only solution. The European Union, the United States, and China offer enormous markets, which will be available to you once we take office".[254] Gvaramia emphasized his own experience of what he called a "political imprisonment" at the hands of the Georgian Dream government, addressing the prison population by telling them that "I will be your supporter in every circumstance" and promising to deliver them what they deserve.[255]

Coalition for Change electoral billboard "The future is yours"

On October 17, Nika Gvaramia, presented the main directions of the coalition's program to the public. Gvaramia introduced the "4-4-4 Plan," which outlines initiatives in four key areas to be implemented within four days of the formation of the new parliament.

According to Gvaramia, the coalition aims to prioritize the following four areas immediately after taking office:

  • European Integration – Within four days, the coalition promises to initiate negotiations with the EU for Georgia's membership, citing the Georgian Charter, the historical choice of the country, and the will of the Georgian people. Gvaramia highlighted that Georgian politicians, along with civil society, have worked extensively on Georgia's European integration.
  • Democracy – Gvaramia affirmed the coalition's commitment to the Georgian Charter, specifically regarding the creation of a technical or transitional government, which the coalition will support. He also emphasized the importance of abolishing "Russian laws" introduced in recent years, beyond just the ones that have triggered public protests. This effort, he explained, is critical for Georgia’s path towards European integration and includes broader reforms, such as court reforms and vetting processes.
  • Economy – The coalition plans to propose tax reforms within four days, which include reducing income tax to 15%, exempting small businesses (with a turnover under 400,000 GEL) from VAT, and lowering corporate tax to 5%. Gvaramia noted that these changes would benefit around 75% of businesses in Georgia, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
  • Education – By 2028, the coalition aims to significantly increase the education budget to adequately support all levels of education. Gvaramia outlined the creation of a "Knowledge Piggy Bank," providing 5,000 GEL in annual educational funding for every child, from kindergarten to higher education. He also mentioned the need for universities to address student housing through their own revenues, with additional state support for scientific research to reach one billion lari by 2028.[256]

Alliance of Patriots of Georgia

During the election campaign, the Alliance of Patriots, Conservative Movement/Alt-Info and Georgian Idea, running on the same electoral list, held joint meetings with the supporters throughout country. The meetings were held in Mtskheta, Rustavi, Dedoplistskaro, Gori, Zestaponi, Batumi, Kutaisi and etc. Moreover, members of Alt-Info opened several new offices in various regions to better communicate with the potential voters.[257][258]

Zura Makharadze. Co-founder of a pro-Russian Conservative Movement/Alt Info, personally sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury.

During the meetings, the parties presented several initiatives to the voters. In terms of education, the parties promised to introduce teaching religion into school curriculums, increase wages for teachers, free school meals and extra-courses, and free strength training sections in all schools. In healthcare and social protection, the parties promised universal health care, establishing state-run pharmacies run on low prices to counteract privately held pharmacies and monopolies, and an abortion ban. To reinvigorate economy, the parties stated that they would issue low-percent state loans to the businesses, protect Georgian businesses from foreign imports through high tariffs, negotiate openning up Russian and other post-Soviet markets for Georgian products, and nationalize "strategic resources". The parties said that they would argue for a ban on foreign ownership of Georgian agricultural land, an increased support for local manufacturing, as well as abolishing taxes on land in mountaneous regions to counteract their depopulation. The parties named several legislative proposals they would push for in the Parliament of Georgia: expanding the use of referendums to decide on public issues, making the office of Public Defender of Georgia electable, abolishing "gender legislation", introducing an amnesty for those imprisoned on family violence charges, and establishing a "real anti-monopoly agency".[257]

In September 2024, the Alliance of Patriots published its electoral video clip called "Why are we poor?". It argued that Georgia remains a developing economy because for 30 years (since the dissolution of the Soviet Union) the country "had been run on free market economic principles", such as the idea that if state does not intervene in the economy, the market will "self-regulate" with "invisible hand". Criticizing this theory, the video clip cited China and South Korea as examples of the "most successful development models", with them being "hybrid economies" in which the state runs and intervenes in the "strategic sectors", while otherwise allowing free entrepreneurship. The video clip credited this model for creating and developing "high-tech industries" in these countries, such as automotive industry, electronics industry and etc. The video clip also argued for increased protectionism against cheap foreign imports to boost local economy and negotiating with Russia to open up its market for Georgian products, which it argued would be crucial for the economic development.[259]

New Political Centre — Girchi

Girchi advocates for a range of economic policies intended to redistribute wealth, stimulate growth, and reduce poverty. One key proposal is the distribution of state-owned property to citizens. Currently, approximately 90% of Georgia's land and natural resources are owned by the state, including forests, rivers, universities, and other assets. Girchi proposes to distribute this property equally among citizens, allowing for greater individual wealth and ownership. Another major policy is the introduction of a Universal Basic Income of 500 lari per month for every citizen. Girchi argues that UBI would eliminate extreme poverty by replacing a variety of social welfare programs with a fixed monthly payment to all citizens. The system is designed to be simple, with fewer bureaucratic processes and reduced administrative costs.

Girchi also supports a multi-currency system, allowing the use of foreign currencies such as the US dollar and the euro alongside the Georgian lari. This policy aims to protect citizens from inflation and exchange rate fluctuations, giving people the choice of which currency to use for transactions. The party proposes the return of pension funds to citizens and the abolition of the current pension system, which it views as exploitative. Instead of mandatory pension contributions, Girchi suggests returning available pension funds to contributors. Girchi is also committed to reducing taxes that disproportionately affect the poor, including excise, property, and import taxes. The party aims to balance tax cuts without creating a budget deficit and proposes eliminating taxes on personal imports from abroad, such as the current 300 lari customs limit.

Another economic policy involves the redistribution of National Bank reserves to citizens. Girchi believes the National Bank's foreign currency reserves, accumulated through currency market interventions, should be equally distributed among the population, providing approximately $1,200 to each citizen. Girchi further advocates for full land ownership rights, extending property ownership from the current two-meter depth to a greater extent. This would give individuals full control over their land, including mineral and resource rights. The party proposes reforms in the automobile sector, advocating for less government interference in vehicle imports and usage. Under this policy, citizens would not be penalized for issues like tinted windows or lack of technical inspections as long as safety regulations are respected.

Girchi emphasizes reducing the role of government in everyday life. The party advocates for the dismantling of bureaucratic structures that, in its view, perpetuate poverty. Girchi proposes offering public sector employees who voluntarily leave their positions continued salary payments for three years, encouraging a transition to the private sector. Girchi calls for a great amnesty as a solution to Georgia's flawed judicial system, which still operates under outdated Soviet-era laws. The amnesty would reduce sentences for prisoners, with life sentences being commuted to 30 years, and administrative fines being written off entirely.

The Girchi MPs in parliament: Iago Khvichia, Vakhtang Megrelishvili, Sandro Rakviashvili, and Herman Szabo.

The party also advocates for elective judges and the expansion of the jury system. Under this system, judges of the first instance would be directly elected by the people, rather than appointed by politicians, in order to ensure judicial independence. Defendants would also have the right to choose trial by jury for criminal cases with potential prison sentences of six months or more. Girchi supports a reform of the Criminal Code, arguing that actions without a victim or complainant should not be considered crimes. The party seeks to humanize Georgia's criminal justice system by removing outdated or overly punitive laws.

Additionally, Girchi proposes the electability of local police chiefs, decentralizing control over law enforcement to local communities. This would enable municipalities to elect their own police leaders, who would be accountable to the local population rather than the central government. Girchi also envisions a Central Investigation Service, similar to the FBI in the United States, that would handle organized and serious crimes beyond the scope of local police forces. The party calls for the liberalization of drug policy, advocating for the decriminalization of all drugs and the regulation of cannabis and other drugs classified by the World Health Organization as less harmful than tobacco and alcohol.

Girchi supports the abolition of the common national curriculum, allowing schools to determine their own teaching methods and content. The party also advocates for legalizing home-schooling and removing state regulations from universities, including the elimination of national entrance exams. Girchi proposes transitioning to a professional volunteer army with higher pay and modern equipment, as opposed to the current system of mandatory conscription. The party supports increasing the defense budget to meet NATO standards and advocates for building strong partnerships with Western allies to improve military training and capability.

Girchi prioritizes NATO membership and deeper integration with the European Union to ensure Georgia's security and sovereignty. The party also advocates for free trade agreements with all countries and seeks to promote traditional human rights on the international stage. Girchi emphasizes decentralization as a key component of its platform. The party seeks to give greater autonomy to local governments by allowing municipalities to elect their own judges and police chiefs, and by permitting regions to set their own tax rates.

Girchi also supports lowering the parliamentary election threshold to a natural barrier of 0.67%, arguing that this would encourage the representation of smaller parties in parliament and foster political diversity. The party opposes the current system of public funding for political parties, advocating instead for parties to be funded by their supporters. Girchi views the return of Abkhazia as one of Georgia's most challenging tasks. The party believes this will only be achievable with strong international alliances, particularly with the United States and the European Union. Girchi advocates for a strong military to bolster peaceful negotiations and ensure that Georgia is respected on the international stage. The party also seeks to create an economic and political environment in Georgia that would encourage Abkhazian citizens to reintegrate with Georgia.[260][261]

Labour Party

The Labor Party of Georgia emphasizes the importance of establishing fully free healthcare, including diagnosis, treatment, surgery, and rehabilitation, while advocating for state hospitals to be treated equally to private facilities. They argue that national wealth—encompassing resources such as gold, manganese, iron, energy, and the ports of Batumi and Poti—should be returned to state control through nationalization, with profits distributed among households to bolster the national budget for education, school meals, and pensions.

In terms of energy, the party supports nationalization, asserting that a state monopoly on electricity generation and distribution will lead to lower costs for consumers. They propose banning the construction of dams, advocating instead for a shift toward solar energy.

The Labor Party proposes establishing a minimum hourly wage of 10 lari, introducing unemployment compensation, and penalizing companies for exploitative labor practices. They also plan to raise pensions to European standards, Additionally, the party promises a one-time assistance payment of 10,000 lari for every newborn, aiming to encourage population growth.

To support local agriculture, the Labor Party intends to restrict agricultural imports through high customs tariffs, making domestic production more profitable and subsidizing the harvests of various crops. They also pledge to limit access to online casinos and betting to mitigate social issues associated with gambling.

In education, the Labor Party commits to providing free schooling at all levels, offering two meals a day for students, and ensuring personal computers and internet access for children from first to twelfth grades. They aim to facilitate job placements for students and offer scholarships for higher education abroad, contingent upon their return to Georgia. The party also plans to align teachers' salaries with judges' salaries, emphasizing the role of education in reducing crime and fostering social harmony.

The Labor Party seeks to transition from mandatory military service to a contract-based system, viewing compulsory service as a potential source of corruption. They aim to dismantle oligarchic influence in politics, advocating for a European-style socialism with a Nordic model to prevent wealthy individuals from leveraging their resources for political gain. The party also criticizes the Georgian Dream for adopting controversial laws, viewing this as a betrayal that threatens the country’s European aspirations.[262]

Conduct

On election day, a polling station was closed in Marneuli after footage emerged of ballot stuffing being conducted there, during which an election observer was attacked while trying to film the incident.[263] The CEC said that a criminal investigation had been opened and all results originating from the precinct would be declared invalid.[264]

Electoral system

The Parliament of Georgia is composed of 150 members who are elected for a four-year term.

As stipulated by constitutional amendments that were adopted on 26 September 2017, the 2024 election will mark the move to a fully proportional system. The 150 members of parliament are elected by closed list on a single national constituency, with a 5% electoral threshold for parties to be awarded seats.[265][266][4]

To determine the number of seats obtained by a political party, the number of votes it has obtained is multiplied by 150 and divided by the sum of votes received by all those political parties that received at least 5 % of the valid votes cast in the elections. If the seats obtained by the political parties is less than 150, the remaining seats are successively awarded to the political parties having better results.[267]

On 6 February 2023, the Central Election Commission of Georgia (CEC) adopted a decree introducing an electronic voter registration and voting system at most of the polling stations.[268]

On 4 April 2024, Georgia's Parliament swiftly abolished mandatory gender quotas, with 85 MPs voting in favor and 22 against. Previously, the law required that at least one in every four candidates on a party list be a woman. The decision was part of a deal between the ruling Georgian Dream party and the opposition Girchi party: Georgian Dream supported Girchi’s proposal to abolish the quotas, while Girchi agreed to back the Georgian Dream candidate for CEC Chairperson.[269][270]

On 27 August 2024, president Salome Zourabichvili signed a decree setting 26 October as the date for the parliamentary elections.[271]

On 20 February 2024, the Georgian Parliament passed amendments to the electoral code with 81 votes in the third reading. These amendments change how the Chairman and "professional members" of the CEC are elected and abolish the Deputy Chairman role, traditionally reserved for an opposition representative. Under the new law, the Speaker of Parliament, instead of the president, nominates and opens the competition for the election of the CEC Chairman and professional members. Parliament requires a 3/5 majority (90 votes) in the first round to elect candidates. If unsuccessful, a simple majority (76 votes) can be used in the next round, with two attempts allowed. If both attempts fail, the president gains the authority to appoint the CEC chairperson/member. The law also stipulates that CEC members serve a full five-year term, even if elected with a lower quorum.

The CEC is composed of 17 members: 7 nominated by the Speaker of Parliament and appointed by Parliament, and 9 nominated by opposition parties. The opposition and civil society organizations argue that these changes increase political pressure on the CEC and compromise its neutrality, violating the European Commission's conditions[272] and ignoring the Venice Commission's recommendations against these amendments.[273]

On May 30, the Parliament adopted further amendments to the electoral code, including changes to the CEC's operational rules and the abolition of the CEC advisory group, which included representatives from the Public Defender and selected national and international experts. The ruling Georgian Dream party justified these changes by claiming that the advisory group was not functional due to the lack of participation from monitoring organizations.

Another significant amendment is the change in the CEC's decision-making process. Previously, decisions required a two-thirds majority. Now, if a decision cannot be passed in a CEC meeting, it will be subject to a revote at the same meeting and will be considered passed if it receives a majority vote. The ruling party defends this as an anti-deadlock mechanism.[274]

On August 16, the CEC issued a decree requiring the chairman of each precinct election commission to draw lots to assign duties among commission members one week before the election, instead of on election day. Critics argue this change gives authorities time to influence the election process and threatens transparency. The opposition has challenged this decree in court, but the Tbilisi City Court upheld the CEC's decision.

Independent watchdogs and opposition parties remain concerned that these changes undermine the election process's fairness and transparency, particularly ahead of the critical elections in October.[275]

Concerns have been raised about the voting rights of Georgian emigrants. Despite the significant economic impact of Georgian emigrants through remittances, their participation in national elections remains limited. Official statistics indicate that over 125,000 people left Georgia in the past year, while estimates suggest that the number of Georgian emigrants could be as high as 1.6 million.

The current voting procedures for Georgians abroad are criticized for being cumbersome, with few polling stations often located only in major cities, making it challenging for emigrants residing in more remote areas to vote. As a result, voter turnout among emigrants has been relatively low; for instance, only 66,217 registered to vote in the 2020 parliamentary elections, with just 12,247 actually participating. Various stakeholders, including opposition parties, non-governmental organizations, and president Salome Zourabichvili, advocate for more accessible voting options, such as additional polling stations, electronic voting, or extended voting periods. However, the government, led by the ruling "Georgian Dream" party, has been slow to respond, citing bureaucratic and logistical challenges. Critics argue that the reluctance to reform the voting process may stem from a political strategy to limit the influence of emigrants, who are perceived as a potentially opposition-leaning electorate.[276][277][278] In September 2024, the CEC said that it would open 60 polling stations in 42 countries.[279]

Opinion polls

Prior to the election, the polls have been conducted by a number of pollsters in Georgia. The Edison Research polls have been commissioned by the pro-opposition Formula TV, while another pro-opposition channel Mtavari Arkhi has commissioned ISSA and Savanta to conduct the polls.[280][281] The polls by Georgian Opinion Research Business International (GORBI) have been conducted on behalf of pro-government Imedi TV company.[282][283] The IRI has published its results without allocating the number of undecided voters.

Local regression trend line of poll results (excluding undecideds and abstentions) since the last parliamentary election to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Parties in bold pass the (5%) threshold.

Date Sample size Pollster GD Unity For Georgia Coalition for Change Strong Georgia NPC-Girchi GLP APG No party Others N/A Lead
GD PP UNM SA EG FG CP Girchi-MF Droa Ahali RPG Lelo FP FS Citizens APG CM/Alt Info GI
12–21 October 2024 1,704 GORBI 60.2 15.4 2.9 9 3.3 2.8 2 1.9 2.5 44.8
11–20 October 2024 1,520 Savanta 35 16 8 19 9 3 2 3 5 16
1–18 October 2024 1,200 Edison Research 34 18 11 14 10 4 5 3 1 16
29 September–8 October 2024 1,561 Savanta 36 14 10 18 8 3 2 3 6 18
18–30 September 2024 1,700 GORBI 59.5 13.6 3.8 10.3 4.5 2.7 2.5 3.1 45.9
17–29 September 2024 1,200 Edison Research 33 19 11 13 12 4 4 3 1 14
10–22 September 2024 1,200 Edison Research 32 20 11.9 11.9 9.9 4.7 5 3.6 1 12
1–15 September 2024 1,200 Edison Research 32.3 20 10.5 10.9 9.3 6 5.1 3.6 2.3 12.3
29 August–8 September 2024 1,000 Edison Research 34 19.2 10.6 9.1 9.9 5.9 5.1 3 3.3 14.8
24 July–4 August 2024 1,700 GORBI 59.3 13.1 2.2 4.8 5.5 5.8 2.1 3 4.2 46.2
11–24 July 2024 1,000 Edison Research 32.4 17.3 1.9 11.2 9.9 12.8 2.2 5.2 3.3 2.6 1.3 15.1
June–July 2024 2,000 ISSA 34.4 0.8 16.9 4.4 6.9 5.1 12.4 8 2.3 1.6 1.9 1.8 2.1 0.9 0.3 17.5
1–10 April 2024 1,601 ISSA 37.4 0.6 18.8 2.3 5.2 1.7 13.8 0.4 4.7 1.8 2.2 1.7 2.7 0.6 2.2 3.9 18.6
11–18 March 2024 1,711 GORBI 60.4 12.6 4.5 3.7 3 1.6[g] 4.7 0.6 1.4 0.6 0.9 6 47.8
1–22 December 2023 1,500 Edison Research 36.6 2.5 21.5 0.7 8.8 5 6.7 3.7 1.7 2.9 4.7 1.7 3 0.5 15.1
20 October–6 November 2023 1,000 Edison Research 37 3 21 1 9 4 5 4 3 4 4 2 3 1 16
30 September–20 October 2023 1,212 GORBI (Pro-GD) 55 20 3 3 4 4 1 1 2 2 5 35
14 September–14 October 2023 1,200 IRI[h] 25 1 16 <1 4 2 2 2 2 3 2 1 1 17 1 23 9
7–24 September 2023 1,500 Edison Research 37 3 22 1 10 4 4 4 2 4 4 1 3 <1 15
25 May–14 June 2023 1,500 Edison Research 37 2 25 3 1 6 4 2 4 3 2 3 5 1 2 12
22 April–7 May 2023 1,212 GORBI (Pro-GD) 53 19 4 2 2 3 2 2 1 3 2 7 34
4–23 March 2023 1,500 IRI[h] 19 <1 14 2 1 3 3 1 2 2 2 2 2 <1 1 16 <1 27 5
17–30 November 2022 2,024 GORBI 52 - 23 3 3 1 3 3 2 2 1 3 4 29
13 September–2 October 2022 1,500 IRI[h] 25 12 1 3 3 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 17 2 23 13
4–24 March 2022 1,486 IRI[h] 31 16 2 4 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 15 2 19 15
2020 election 48.22 27.18 3.15 3.79 0.16 3.15 1.33 2.89 1.00 3.14 0.43 5.54 21.04

Results

0.00% reporting
Party or allianceVotes%
GDGD0
PP
UnityUNM0
SA
EG
Coalition for ChangeAhali0
Girchi-MF
Droa
RPG
For GeorgiaFG0
CP
Strong GeorgiaLelo0
FP
FS
Citizens
-NPC-Girchi0
-GLP0
APGAPG0
CM/Alt Info
GI
-Others0
Total0
Registered voters/turnout3,508,294
Source: Election Administration of Georgia

Notes

  1. ^ People's Power is running its candidates on GD's party list.
  2. ^ In 2020, Lelo got 4 seats while Citizens got 2.
  3. ^ United National Movement in 2020 ran as a part of Strength is in Unity coalition getting 25 seats (with 8 being listed as non-partisan candidates). Progress and Freedom and Victorious Georgia were also a part of the Strength is in Unity coalition getting 4 and 1 seats respectively. Strategy Aghmashenebeli and Law and Justice together under the same bloc gaining 3 and 1 seat respectively, whilst European Georgia ran independently getting 5 seats.
  4. ^ Conservative Party of Georgia is running its candidates on FG's party list.
  5. ^ Republicans in 2020 ran as a part of Strength is in Unity coalition being allocated 2 seats.
  6. ^ As part of Strength is in Unity coalition
  7. ^ The Ahali party was not mentioned in the answers, the results of the party are based on the answers given spontaneously by the respondents.[clarification needed]
  8. ^ a b c d The results are shown without allocating undecided voters.

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