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There is some debate among experts regarding when the Albanian nationalist movement, also known as the Rilindja (Albanian for "rebirth" or "renaissance") should be considered to have started. Some sources attribute its origins to the revolts against centralization in the 1830s[1], others to the publication of the first attempt by Naum Veqilharxhi at a standardized alphabet for Albanian in 1844.[1][2][3]Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). Another view is that Albanian nationalism's roots "sprouted" in the reforms of the first decades of the 19th century[4] but Albanian nationalism emerged properly in the 1830s and 1840s[5] as a romantic movement for societal reform that was initially mainly driven by Albanians publishing from abroad, and it transformed into an overt political national movement in the 1870s. [6] However, the Rilindja can also be seen as a continuation of and renewal of the Albanian revolts and cultural activities for independence that took place during the entire Ottoman period.[7] The French Revolution left a socio-economic impact on the Albanian society, with many Albanian intellectuals highlighting ideals of the Revolution and important figures such as Voltaire and Jean-Jacques Rousseau.[8][9][10]

Background and obstacles[edit]

<some info on Albanian identity before the nationalist movement, and the traditions hte movement would later draw from to buttress their argument that Albanians are not just an identifiable people sharing a language and culture, but a "nation">

Albanian nationalism would rise around the same time and in the same context as neighboring nationalisms such as Serbian and Greek nationalism during the final decline of the Ottoman Empire. However, despite the fact that Albania had resisted Ottoman conquest most vigorously and for the longest time, and then revolted the most frequently when under Ottoman rule, and also despite Albania's geographic position adjacent to Western Europe and distant from Istanbul, the spread and organization of the Albanian nationalist movement was hindered by a large number of factors, and thus the progress made by the Albanian nationalist movement was delayed considerably.[11]

Geographic isolation[edit]

It was actually due to the fact that Albania was remote and close to Western Europe, and the Ottoman government's view of Albania as both a potentially "turbulent" region as well as a "source of cheap cannon-fodder", Ottoman imperial administration did its best to isolate Albania from Western European influences, which included the sources of the romantic and liberationist philosophies that ultimately led to the rise of nationalist movements throughout the Balkans. [12] Albania's proximity to the West was the reason it became isolated from the West by the intentional policy of Ottoman administration.[13] As late as 1913, despite the fact that Albania is visible from the boot of Italy, the French journalist Delaisi wrote that he didn't think "even Tibet" was "more mysterious" than Albania.[14]

Lack of internal unity[edit]

A major hindrance for the Albanian national movement, as well as the economic development of the country, was the lack of any single administrative, economic, cultural, or religious center; Ottoman rule tended to systematically instigate differences between regions and religious groups in a policy of divide-and-rule. As a result, competition between different regions became a major hindrance[15], while the nationalist movement would have to work hard to overcome the religious rivalries that resulted from the millet system.

Under Ottoman rule, contacts between the different regions of Albania were also very poor and the country often teetered on the edge of anarchy with arbitrary local rulers. There were few functioning roads: as late as 1903, there was no passable road from Durres to Tirana, or to Vlora or Shkodra, the main cities along the coast; although Tirana was only 40km from Durres, the trip could take two days by horse and was fraught with dangers.[16] Asdreni remarked that if a man survived a trip on the Ottoman Albanian roads, it was because the man would shoot "just didn't feel like wasting a bullet on the passer-by",[16][17] while British Intelligence in 1916 similarly remarked that the extreme stagnation of Albania was likely due to the rugged geography and lack of contacts between regions[18] On top of this, Ottoman Albania was divided into four vilayets which acted like de facto autonomous units ruled by local warlords, and to move between them required special safe passes.[16] In the middle of the 19th century, recoiling from the losses of Greece and Serbia, the Ottoman government redrew district boundaries in Albania with the specific goal of hindering any Albanian national instincts[19][20], gerrymandering the four vilayets that comprised Albania by adding non-Albanian areas to them[19] so that Albanians did not have a majority in any province.[21]


Illiteracy/[edit]

<elaborate> (Albania became "remote" under Ottoman rule, Ottomans redraw district boundaries to prevent Albanian districts, regional fragmentation, clan and regional rivalries, lack of literacy, suppression of Albanian literacy by the Porte and by the Church, poverty, suppression of Albanian nationalism by Porte and Church, etc etc )



mufch more stufff r

Albanian nationalist movement emerges : 1800s until 1878[edit]

Motivating trends[edit]

Due to the lack of a religious or secular political structure promoting Albanian nationalism, the movement had to rely on the printing press for propagation; however literacy, especially at first, in the country was extremely limited (cite Misha, I think- Blumi too). Two centers of Albanian literacy emerged: one in the South of the country due to the activity of Greek schools in the region, and the other in the Northwest of hte country due to Austro-Hungarian and Italian education systems. Thus, in the middle of hte century, a new mercantile and mostly Christian middle class arose, which was in contact with Italian, Austro-Hungarian, and Greek ideas, and began to advocate ideals which would mature into Albanian nationalism, being effective especially in the diaspora, and would form the "core, as well as the sponsorship" of early Albanian nationalism (Rrapaj 204). Bektashi Albanians also came into contact with Hellenic influence and became early propagators of Albanian nationalism (Rrapaj 208).

Start of the Rilindja -- Albanian literary movement[edit]

Although Albanian nationalism drew ideas and symbols from earlier writings and revolts, the initiation of the Albanian nationalist movement is held to have occurred with the writings of Naum Veqilharxhi in the early 1800s.[22][23] Born as Naum Bredhi in the village of Vithkuq near Korçë, Naum was educated in Greek schools, and moved to Wallachia after the destruction of his hometown [24][25] by groups of rural Muslims from the countryside.[26] Naum joined the Filiki Etairia, a resistance organization of Christians in the Ottoman Empire which would later help foment the revolt that led to the Greek War of Independence[27], and in 1821 also took part in the Romanian uprising in Wallachia.[24][28] As a member of Filiki Etairia and a graduate of a Greek school, Naum was influenced by Greek nationalism[29], but he became disillusioned with the Greek nationalist ideology as well as the Greek school system, remarking bitterly that Greek schools were organized to illuminate Greek youth, not Albanians, and that if there was not Albanian language education, there was a danger of Hellenization and cultural loss.[30] He believed the Albanian nation had become backward and stagnated after centuries of Ottoman rule, and needed an Albanian alphabet as well as Albanian langauge schools to illuminate the Albanian people, overcome stagnation and unify the country[31][24], so that Albania could contribute to the rest of civilization, comparing Albania to a larva that could one day hopefully become a "butterfly"[32] [33]. Naum became wealthy, joined a society in Wallachia which considered the promotion of the Albanian language necessary for the national awakening of Albania[34]. To these ends, he used his wealth, with the pen name Naum Veqilharxhi, to publish his ideas in the Albanian diaspora and in Albania itself, as well as his Vithkuqi alphabet, the first modern attempt at a standardized Albanian alphabet, which he had started in 1824 or 1825[24]. Veqilharxhi wrote of Albania as a "nation" with its own language, customs and history, and territory.[35] Although his hometown had been a victim of sectarian violence, Veqilharxhi argued for harmony and cooperation between Albanians of all faiths, with each faith being practiced by Albanians a little bit differently than it would be by foreignors[36]; this view would evolve into the Albanian nationalist ideal of Albanian religious harmony, causing Albanian nationalism to ultimately use language, rather than religion as other Balkan nationalisms did, as its primary unifier.[37] Veqilharxhi's writings were circulated in Korça, Berat, and Permet[38], and generated high demand with requests for "as many more copies as possible".[39] Not long after the publication of his alphabet, however, he was poisoned, likely on orders by the Ecumenical Patriach of Constantinople[40], while he was trying to set up an Albanian cultural society in Istanbul.[41] This did not kill Veqilharxhi's ideas, however, as they would be renewed by the next generation of Albanian nationalist writers. 


Meanwhile, Thimi Mitko produced some of hte first ethnographic works in Albanology (pull from his page). The contributions of the Arbereshe diaspora in Italy also proved critical in formulating early Albanian nationalist ideas, which then spread to Albania itself (pull from Albanian nationalism page, Resnjari has done good work on this).


1878

Explain Eastern Crisis somewhat

Albanians have no representation in Berlin -- pull in Glenny on this

League of Prizren -- Prizren was chosen to dispute Serbian claims to the city (Pahumi), and the league originally had Ottoman backing (cite). Attendees included the entirely Sunni Muslim conservatives, who wanted to defend all Western Balkan Muslims including Bosniaks, the pragmatists, and the radicals, a multiconfessional group of progressives led by Naim Frasheri who advocated a multiconfessional Albanian entity that would be autonomous within the empire (Pahumi).

League invokes the besa, and Albanian tribesmen form people's armies to defend Albania's borders (Glenny) and prevent Montenegro from capturing Ulcinj despite hte Great Powers assigning the city to Montenegro, until the Porte sends its own army to force the Albanians to give up Ulqin. This was a watershed moment for the Albanian Muslim community: although they had previously viewed the Sultan as their protector, many now felt he had betrayed them, providing a mental opening for many of them to embrace Albanian nationalism (Glenny)

Ottoman authorities move to suppress the League of Prizren, from this point antagonizing the Albanian nationalist movement. Albanian nationalism thus arose as a simultaneous response to Serbian, Greek and Ottoman Turkish claims (Rrapaj)

Frasheri begins organizing movement in the wake of this. Convinces Bektashi babas and turns tekkes into mouthpieces (Pahumi, Duijzings, etc) Societies emerge to set up Albanian schooling, but they are suppressed both by the Ottoman authorities and loyalists, as well as the Orthodox Patriarchate, which, after the loss of Bulgaria, was worried about other nationalisms arising in the Balkans, and, especially after 1870, became concentrated on consolidating its power over Southern Albania and geographic Macedonia[42] (citey cite cite cite) Albanians are the only people not allowed to be educated in their own language (Glenny) except in the north in Austro-Hungarian schools (cite). Albanian schools were thus founded in secret in Lunxheri and around Korca, as well as with the help of British and American missionaries (Palairet etc) In Central Albania, Hasan Moglica blablaba (cite smth for this)

Society for hte Publication of Albanian Writings

<Religious divisions -- trying to ensure balance here, difficult > Skendi notes that the direction that Albanian nationalism took was shaped by the multiconfessional nature of the country and the need to appeal to Albanians of all faiths, despite hte fact that all faiths had different leaders and were often hostile to each other As a result, Albanian nationalism developed into a multiconfessional movement, with Albanians arguing that religious fanaticism was or should be alien to Albanian culture, and promoting a "civic faith" of Albanianism, epitomized by Pashko Vasa's stanza, "the faith of the Albanian is Albanianism" which was to become a motto of hte movement.[43] This aspect of Albanian nationalism has been argued to date back to the writings of Veqilharxhi (Fedhon), and helped bring about the ideological beginnings of Albanian secularism, finding its voice in Sami Frasheri's Shqipëria ç'ka qenë, ç'është dhe ç'do të bëhet which envisioned an independent Albania with no official religion and secular education (cite from Secularism in Albania) Bektashi Albanians, due to traditional Bektashi tolerance, played an important role as a "bridge" between the previously hostile Albanian Orthodox and Sunni communities (cite), and Bektashi tekkes served as meeting places for Albanian nationalists and mouthpieces of hte movement (cite -- probably Duijzings)

Catholic and Orthodox Albanians, as well as Bektashi Albanians (Rrapaj page 208), began the modern movement of Albanian nationalism after the influence of ideas from Greece, Austro-Hungary, and Italy (Rrapaj 204). The movement began among the Orthodox community of the South (Kelmendi), and soon spread as Bektashi-Orthodox cooperation on the matter emerged, while also soon afterward emerging in the North among the Catholic community.

In the South, Albanian nationalism grew both under the influence of and in reaction to Hellenism (cite). In the late 18th and 19 centuries, Greek schools were the only way Orthodox children could become educated and at Greek schools children were indoctrinated with Greek nationalist views; this was combined with intensive propaganda on the part of the Greek Orthodox Church. However, rather than losing their Albanian identity, Orthodox Albanians from Southern Albania would instead come to play an active and often leading role in the Albanian national independence movement, often at great cost to themselves and their families.[44] The prominent role of Bektashis in the Albanian nationalist movement led to a growth of the order (cite Duijzings page 196), and Bektashi followers associated the Ottoman state with Sunni domination (Duijzings 161). Although initially strongly loyal to the Sultan at first, Albanian Sunnis began to question this traditional loyalty after the Eastern Crisis of 1878 in which the actions of the Porte were denounced by many in the Albanian Muslim community as a betrayal, and after this point Albanian Sunnis as well began joining the growing ranks of the Albanian nationalist movement (cite Glenny, Psilos, others), and Albanian "Turcomans" became uneasy about hte growing anger directed at the Porte (Pahumi, Skendi). In the late Ottoman Empire, Albanian Orthodox were identified as Greeks and Albanian Muslims (cite one view) or Albanian Sunnis (other-- Duijzings 153) were identified as Turks, in both cases resulting in confusion and internal strife in these communities. At the end of hte Ottoman Empire, more progressive Albanian Orthodox (cite Psomas) and more progressive Albanian Sunni Muslims (cite Carcani-- make sure he says this, else find another), as well as most Albanian Bektashi Muslims (citation dump: Doja, Duijzings, Doja, Doja, more Doja etc) mostly sympathized with the Albanian nationalist movement, while more conservative Orthodox (cite Psomas) sympathized with the Greeks and more conservative Sunnis (cite Psilos, Bozbora, Clayer 1992: 296, Duijzings 164, Krasniqi 4-5, Babuna) remained loyal to the Empire. On the other hand, Catholics and Bektashis did not have any competing nationalist identities besides the Albanian one (relocate this one).


The centralist Tanzimat reforms, which were aimed at replacing local Albanian functionaries and suppression of Albanian culture sowed the seeds of the Rilindja.[45][46] In that period an intellectual and merchant class with the new ideas that were emerging in Europe was shaped, empowering the existing struggle against the Ottoman rule.[47] Political nationalism and economic liberalism were two modern platforms that inspired many Albanian intellectuals.[48] During that time, the destruction of the Pashalik of Yanina and the growing Greek nationalist ambitions fueled reaction of Albanian intellectual elite.[49] The son of one merchant family, Naum Veqilharxhi, started his work to write an alphabet intended to help Albanians overcome religious and political issues in 1824 or 1825.[50][51] Veqilharxhi thought that the continuous occupations had caused many problems to Albanian education.[8] His work facilitated the difussion of national awareness based on the unity of kin, identity of language and traditions.[52] Some Albanian patriots, among them many from the Arbereshe communities in Italy, built contacts with Italian democratic and revolutionary forces. This helped the Rilindja movement to expand beyond the frame of Albanian-Ottoman relations, and become an international issue.[53] The Risorgimento actually served as an inspiration for the movement.[54]

Pelasgian blurb: might be appropriate elsewhere on hte page Albanian nationalism In 1777 Nikollë Keta, an Arbëreshë from Sicily, was the first Albanian to connect the Albanians with the Pelasgians, giving rise to a tradition transferred from Albanian communities in Italy to the Balkans. The themes of the Pelasgians and Skanderbeg were present in Arbëreshë culture before the emergence of the Rilindja movement, and represented a cultural reflection of intellectuals which played an instrumental role during the entire Rilindja.[55] The myths generated about the Pelasgians were an argument for independence and self-determination, countering with claims according to which Albanians had no right for having their own country.[56]

1908

Congress of Elbasan -- grab from other pages

1911

Albanian uprisings severely threaten Ottoman rule

Kosovo and Macedonia uprising

Malesor uprising

1912

Ottomans grant autonomy way too late -- Glenny

Balkan league attacks

Balkan Wars-- mention


From Albanian nationalism : Albanian writers of the period felt that they had counter arguments that came from the Greek side and from Slavic circles.[57][58] The Greeks claimed that Albanians did not constitute a people, their language was a mixture of different languages and that an Albanian member of the Orthodox church was "really a Greek", while Slav publicists claimed that Kosovar Albanians were "really" Slavs or they were "Turks" who could be "sent back" to Anatolia.[57][58] Apart from Greek nationalism being viewed as a threat to Albanian nationalism, emphasizing an antiquity of the Albanian nation served new political contexts and functions during the 1880s.[59] It also arose from the Albanian need to counter Slavic national movements seeking independence from the Ottomans through a Balkan federation.[59] In time the Pelasgian theory was replaced with the Illyrian theory regarding Albanian origins and descent due it being more convincing and supported by some scholars.[60] The Illyrian theory became an important pillar of Albanian nationalism due to its consideration as evidence of Albanian continuity in territories such as Kosovo and the south of Albania contested with the Serbs and Greeks.[60]

---



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Deleted from Albanian nationalism, to integrate here and restore once in line with NPOV:

Hellenism, Orthodoxy and Albanian nationalism[edit]

For Orthodox Albanians, Albanianism was closely associated with Hellenism, linked through the faith of Orthodoxy and only during the Eastern crisis and thereafter was that premise rejected by a few Orthodox Albanianists.[61] In southern Albania during the late Ottoman period being Albanian was increasingly associated with Islam, while from the 1880s the emerging Albanian National Movement was viewed as an obstacle to Hellenism within the region.[62][63] Some Orthodox Albanians mainly from Korçë and the nearby regions began to affiliate with the Albanian National movement by working together with Muslim Albanians regarding shared social, geopolitical Albanian interests and aims causing concerns for Greece.[63][64][65][66] Contribution to the national movement by Orthodox Albanian nationalists was mainly undertaken outside the Ottoman state in the Albanian diaspora with activities focusing on educational issues and propaganda.[67] As Orthodoxy was associated with Greek identity, the rise of the Albanian national movement caused confusion for Orthodox Albanians as it interrupted the formation of a Greek national consciousness.[68]

At the onset of the twentieth century the idea to create an Albanian Orthodoxy or an Albanian expression of Orthodoxy emerged in the diaspora at a time when the Orthodox were increasingly being assimilated by the Patriarchate and Greece through the sphere of politics.[61] The Orthodox Albanian community had individuals such as Jani Vreto, Spiro Dine and Fan Noli involved in the national movement and some of them advocated for an Albanian Orthodoxy in order to curtail the Hellenisation process occurring amongst Orthodox Albanians.[69][70] In 1905, priest Kristo Negovani who had attained Albanian national sentiments abroad returned to his native village of Negovan and introduced the Albanian language for the first time in Orthodox liturgy.[71][72][73] For his efforts Negovani was murdered by a Greek guerilla band on orders from Bishop Karavangelis of Kastoria that aroused a nationalist response with the Albanian guerilla band of Bajo Topulli killing the Metropolitan of Korçë, Photios.[74][72][71][73] In 1907, an Orthodox Albanian immigrant Kristaq Dishnica was refused funeral services in the United States by a local Orthodox Greek priest for being an Albanian nationalist.[75] Known as the Hudson incident, it galvanised the emigre Orthodox Albanian community to form the Albanian Orthodox Church under Fan Noli who hoped to diminish Greek influence in the church and counter Greek irredentism.[75][76][77][69] For Albanian nationalists, Greek nationalism was a concern toward the end of the 19th century due to overlapping territorial claims toward the ethnically mixed vilayet of Yannina.[78][79] Those issues also generated a reaction against Greek nationalists that drove the Albanian desire to stress a separate cultural identity.[78][80]

  1. ^ a b Rrapaj, Jonilda and Kolasi, Klevis (2013). "The Curious Case of Albanian Nationalism: the Crooked Line from a Scattered Array of Clans to a Nation-State". Ankara Universty, Faculty of Political Science. The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations. Volume 44 (2013), p. 185 - 228. Page 195:" In the Albanian case as we will see below, we can argue that Phase A, generally speaking covers the period from the beginning of the Reforms of Tanzimat or the publication of first the Albanian alphabet in 1844 as a symbolic date, until the collapse of the League of Prizren (1881) or the publication of Sami Frashëri‟s nationalist Manifest in 1899".
  2. ^ Enis Sulstarova, Naum Veqilharxhi dhe lindja e kombit [Naum Veqilharxhi and the birth of the nation] (in Albanian), Pashtriku, retrieved 2014-12-01, Naum Veqilharxhi is considered the avant-garde and first ideologue of the National Awakening, because his work results in one of the first attempts for an original Albanian alphabet (1844 and 1845), as well as contains an embryo form of the ideas which would develop later on during the National Renaissance. [Naum Veqilharxhi është konsideruar si pararendësi dhe ideologu i parë i Rilindjes Kombëtare Shqiptare, sepse vepra e tij përbën një nga përpjekjet e para për një alfabet origjinal të shqipes (1844 dhe 1845), si edhe përmban në trajtë embrionale idetë që do të zhvilloheshin më vonë gjatë periudhës së Rilindjes.]
  3. ^ Fedhon Meksi (2011-10-21), Naum Veqilharxhi, babai i alfabetit dhe abetares shqipe. [Naum Veqilharxhi, the father of Albanian alphabet and ABC-book] (in Albanian), archived from the original on 2014-12-02, retrieved 2014-12-01
  4. ^ Misha, Piro. Invention of a Nationalism. In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities. Page 34
  5. ^ Misha, Piro. "Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities. Page 33: "The beginnings of the Albanian national awakening, better known as the 'Albanian National Renaissance' (rilindja), took place during the 1830s and 1840s... at least in its beginnings, the Albanian national movement did not differ much from any other national movement in the region
  6. ^ Piro Misha. Invention of a Nationalism. In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities. Page 39
  7. ^ Frashëri, Kristo (2008). Historia e qytetërimit shqiptar: nga kohet e lashta deri ne fund të Luftës së Dytë Botërore. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë. p. 184. ISBN 9789995610135.
  8. ^ a b Ahmet Kondo (1982). Çështja kombëtare në faqe të shtypit të Rilindjes. 8 Nëntori. p. 180. Cite error: The named reference "Kondo1982" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  9. ^ Thoma Murzaku; Instituti i Studimeve Ballkanike (1999). Politika Ballkanike e Rusisë dhe çështja shqiptare: nga origjina deri në ditët tona. Shtëpia Botuese "Mesonjetorja e Parë". p. 177.
  10. ^ Raka, Fadil (2005). Historia e shqipes letrare. Grafikos. p. 102.
  11. ^ Misha, Piro. "The Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Schwandner-Sievers and Fischer, Albanian Identities. Page 35
  12. ^ Misha, Piro. "Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Schwander-Sievers and Fischer, 'Albanian Identities. Page 33.
  13. ^ Misha, Piro. Invention of a Nationalism. In Schwander-Sievers and Fischer, Albanian Identities. Page 37: "...the instigation of regional and religious divisions... the best way of controlling this distant and turbulent province of the Empire. Because of its strategic border position Albania was considered by the Sublime Porte not only as a borderland defensive belt, but as an important source of cheap cannon-fodder. To this end the Ottomans did their best to keep the country isolated... Paradoxically the geographical proximity to the western part of the continent was therefore a factor that made contacts... more difficult.
  14. ^ Misha, Piro. Invention of a Nationalism. Page 36
  15. ^ Misha, Piro. "The Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Schwandner-Sievers and Fischer, Albanian Identities. Page 37.
  16. ^ a b c Misha, Piro. "The Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Schwandner-Sievers and Fischer, Albanian Identities. Page 36
  17. ^ Aleksander Stavre Drenova. Nga Durresi nde Tirane. Brussels 1903. Page 138. Cited in Misha, "Invention of a Nationalism".
  18. ^ Admirality War Staff-- Intelligence Division. London. Personnages--Albanie--Les clans et le peuple. 1916. Page 2. Cited in Misha, "Invention of a Nationalism".
  19. ^ a b Pahumi, Nevila. "Consolidation of Albanian Nationalism". Pages 23-24
  20. ^ Skendi, Stavro. The Albanian National Awakening. Page 27
  21. ^ Misha, Piro. "Invention of a Nationalism". In Schwandner-Sievers and Fischer, Albanian Identities. Page 38: The Porte had carefully divided he territories inhabited by Albanians into four separate administrative vilayets... They also took care that none of these four vilayets should be ethnically homogenous. Under such conditions, when most of the factors which normally help in constructing a national identity were, to say the least, problematic, the last remaining factor which did have the potential to become an element of national cohesion was the language... it becomes clear why the Ottomans took severe coercive measures in order to prevent the teaching of the Albanian language. Albanians were not allowed to use their own language even when, after the reforms carried out in the mid-nineteenth century, the use of mother tongues became possible for almost all other peoples living under Ottoman rule. In fact, the Ottoman policy which allowed Albanian Muslims to attend only Turkish schools, while the Albanian Orthodox students could go to Greek schools only, was also encouraged by the Orthodox Patriarchate.
  22. ^ Enis Sulstarova, Naum Veqilharxhi dhe lindja e kombit [Naum Veqilharxhi and the birth of the nation] (in Albanian), Pashtriku, retrieved 2014-12-01, Naum Veqilharxhi is considered the avant-garde and first ideologue of the National Awakening, because his work results in one of the first attempts for an original Albanian alphabet (1844 and 1845), as well as contains an embryo form of the ideas which would develop later on during the National Renaissance. [Naum Veqilharxhi është konsideruar si pararendësi dhe ideologu i parë i Rilindjes Kombëtare Shqiptare, sepse vepra e tij përbën një nga përpjekjet e para për një alfabet origjinal të shqipes (1844 dhe 1845), si edhe përmban në trajtë embrionale idetë që do të zhvilloheshin më vonë gjatë periudhës së Rilindjes.]
  23. ^ Fedhon Meksi (2011-10-21), Naum Veqilharxhi, babai i alfabetit dhe abetares shqipe. [Naum Veqilharxhi, the father of Albanian alphabet and ABC-book] (in Albanian), archived from the original on 2014-12-02, retrieved 2014-12-01
  24. ^ a b c d Robert Elsie (2010). Historical Dictionary of Albania. Scarecrow Press, inc.: Plymouth, United Kingdom. pp. 469–470. Nationalist figure. Naum Veqilharxhi was one of the earliest men to devote himself to the creation of a new Albanian alphabet and also one of the first to formulate the ideals and objectives of the Albanian nationalist movement in its budding stages. He was born of a family from the village of Bredh near Vithkuq in the Korça region. It was no doubt after the destruction of Vithkuq in 1819 that Veqilharxhi immigrated to Romania in search of a better life. In 1821, he took part in a Wallachian uprising against the Turks. He spent the rest of his life as a lawyer, as far as is known, in the port of Brăila on the Danube. He died of poisoning in Istanbul, allegedly at the hands of Greek Orthodox fanatics supposedly linked to the patriarch of Constantinople. Whether this is true or not will never be known. However, it is known that the patriarchate was at odds with all expressions of non-Greek nationalism in the Balkans. In a letter in Greek, which Naum Veqilharxhi is reported to have circulated, he pointed to the backwardness and misery of the Albanians as a result of long centuries of Turkish rule and stressed the need for a new Albanian alphabet as a means of overcoming this stagnation and of uniting the country. In 1824 or 1825, Veqilharxhi had already begun working on the 33-letter alphabet of his own invention, which he had printed in an eight-page Albanian spelling book in 1844. This little spelling book was distributed throughout southern Albania, from Korça to Berat, and was received, it appears, with a good deal of enthusiasm. The booklet was augmented to 48 pages in a second edition in 1845 entitled Faré i ri abétor shqip per djélm nismetore (A Very New Albanian Spelling Book for Elementary Schoolboys)... Veqilharxhi stands out as the first man of letters in the 19th century to have expressed the ideals of the growing Albanian nationalist movement.
  25. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 121, 145.
  26. ^ Gilles De Rapper (2009). [Religion on the border: Sanctuaries and festivals in post-communist Albania]. In Galia Valtchinova, Religion and Boundaries. Studies from the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Turkey, The Isis Press, pp.247-265, 2010. <halshs-00400432>. Page 3.
  27. ^ Islami, Myslim. Naum Veqilharxhi: Ideologu i Pare i Rilindjes Shqiptar. Pages 133-137
  28. ^ Gawrych, George (2006). The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874–1913. London: IB Tauris. p. 20. ISBN 9781845112875.
  29. ^ Pahumi, Nevila (2007). "Consolidation of Albanian nationalism". University of Michigan. Page 25
  30. ^ Meksi, Fedhon. "Veqilharxhi, babai i alfabetit dhe abetares shqiptare". 21 October, 2011. "N. Veqilharxhi e kishte të qartë se “shkollat greke janë të organizuara për të ndriçuar rininë greke dhe jo për ndriçimin e popullit shqiptar” (Letra dërguar Jani Calit, 1846). Në këto kushte Naum Veqilharxhi ishte i pari që ndjeu nevojën e ngutshme të përhapjes së arsimit në gjuhën amtare për të penguar helenizimin e vendit."
  31. ^ Cite error: The named reference Zhelyaz was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  32. ^ Cite error: The named reference Misha was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  33. ^ Pahumi, Nevila. "Consolidation of Albanian nationalism". Page 25
  34. ^ Treptow, Kurt (1992). From Zalmoxis to Jan Palach: studies in East European history. East European monographs. Vol. 328. East European Monographs. p. 98. ISBN 0-88033-225-5.
  35. ^ Pahumi, Nevila. "Consolidation of Albanian Nationalism". University of Michigan. Page 25.
  36. ^ Meksi, Fedhon. "Veqilharxhi, babai I alfabetit edhe abetares shqiptare". 21 October, 2011. Panorama. "N. Veqilharxhi kishte ideuar rikonstruksionin e kombit shqiptar që përfshinte myslimanët dhe të krishterët, vërtetuar tashmë nga historia, dhe si aliazh që është, doli më i fortë dhe më rezistent sesa elementët që e përbëjnë. Dora-dorës, populli shqiptar e pranoi porosinë e Naumit dhe krijoi modelin e tij, sipas të cilit besimet fetare do të praktikoheshin në një mënyrë të veçantë, në mënyrën shqiptare, me tone të ulura, jo vetëm pa ngacmuar bashkëkombësit e feve të tjera, po gjithmonë duke i respektuar ato. Kjo është harmonia fetare ose bashkëjetesa shqiptare që ideoi N. Veqilharxhi dhe që sot, falë urtësisë të popullit tonë, përbën një vlerë të veçantë të tij, si një model referimi për popujt e tjerë ballkanikë, si mënyrën e vetme për një të ardhme të përbashkët më të lumtur."
  37. ^ Meksi, Fedhon. "Veqilharxhi, babai i alfabetit dhe abetares shqiptare". 21 October, 2011. " Naum Veqilharxhi përcaktoi drejtimin kryesor të nacionalizmit shqiptar, që do të kishte specifikën e tij. Ai do të përpunohej duke u mbështetur kryesisht mbi gjuhën amtare dhe jo mbi fenë, si në rastin e nacionalizmave të tjerë ballkanikë."
  38. ^ Pahumi, Nevila. "The Consolidation of Albanian Nationalism: The League of Prizren 1878-1881". Page 25
  39. ^ Michelson, Paul (2002). National development in Romania and southeastern Europe. Center for Romanian Studies. p. 54. ISBN 973-9432-37-9.
  40. ^ Palairet, Michael (2016). Macedonia: A Voyage through History (Vol. 2, From the Fifteenth Century to the Present). Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. pp. 114–115. ISBN 9781443888493.
  41. ^ Pahumi, Nevila. "Consolidation of Albanian Nationalism". Page 26.
  42. ^ Isa Blumi. "The Role of Education in the Albanian Education and its Myths". In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Page 54.
  43. ^ Duijzings, Ger. "Religion and the Politics of 'Albanianism'". In Schwandler-Stevens and Jurgen, Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Pages 61-62. Page 62: "nationalist rhetoric declared it [religion/millet] to be unimportant (and that religious fanaticism to be alien to the Albanian soul)", page 61:"From the beginning, national ideologists propagated a kind of 'civil religion' of Albanianism, which was epitomized in Pashko Vasa's famous and influential nationalist poem O moj Shqipni ("O poor Albania"): "Awaken, Albanians, wake from your slumber. Let us all be brothers, swear an oath not to mind church or mosque. The faith of the Albanian is Albanianism!'"
  44. ^ Tajar Zavalani; Beytullah Destani; Robert Elsie. History of Albania. p. 150. ...submitted to an intensive Graecophile propaganda thorough the Greek clergy appointed by the Patriarchate of Constantinople... The Orthodox Albanians had no choice but to go to Greek schools and be duly indoctrinated with Greek nationalism. Nevertheless, as we shall see, the Orthodox Albanians had not lost their national feelings... they took an active and often leading part in the struggle for independence, not without cost to themselves and their families
  45. ^ Robert Elsie (2010). Historical Dictionary of Albania. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 56.
  46. ^ Piro TASE (2010). Te huajt per shqiperine dhe shqiptaret. Edicioni 2. p. 299.
  47. ^ Petrika Thëngjilli (1999). Historia e popullit shqiptar, 395-1875. Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Universitar. p. 427.
  48. ^ Adrian Brisku (30 August 2013). Bittersweet Europe: Albanian and Georgian Discourses on Europe, 1878-2008. Berghahn Books. p. 47. ISBN 978-0-85745-985-5.
  49. ^ Xhevat Lloshi (2008). Rreth alfabetit të shqipes: me rastin e 100-vjetorit të Kongresit të Manastirit. Logos-A. p. 156. ISBN 978-9989-58-268-4.
  50. ^ Cite error: The named reference Skendi139 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  51. ^ Raka, Fadil (2005). Historia e shqipes letrare. Grafikos. p. 180.
  52. ^ Viorica Moisuc; Ion Calafeteanu (1980). Assertion of unitary, independent national states in Central and Southeast Europe (1821-1923). Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România. p. 171.
  53. ^ Gazmend Shpuza (1980). Gjurmime në epokën e Rilindjes Kombëtare: çështje ekonomiko-shoqërore, politike e kulturore të Lëvizjes Kombëtare gjatë Rilindjes. Shtëpia Botuese "8 Nëntori". p. 146.
  54. ^ Georges Castellan (1992). History of the Balkans: From Mohammed the Conqueror to Stalin. East European Monographs. p. 365. ISBN 978-0-88033-222-4.
  55. ^ Bardhyl Demiraj (2007). Nach 450 Jahren: Buzukus "Missale" und seine Rezeption in unserer Zeit : 2. Deutsch-Albanische Kulturwissenschaftliche Tagung in München vom 14. bis 15. Oktober 2005. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. 300. ISBN 978-3-447-05468-3.
  56. ^ Alfred Uçi (1982). Mitologjia, folklori, letërsia. Shtëpia Botuese "Naim Frashëri". p. 160.
  57. ^ a b Malcolm 2002, p. 80. "The myth of ethnic homogeneity and cultural purity, however, dictated otherwise... That Albanian writers felt the need to argue in this way was easily understandable at a time when Greek propagandists were claiming that the Albanians were not a proper people at all, that their language was just a mish mash of other languages and that any member of the Greek Orthodox Church was 'really' a Greek. At the same time, Slav publicists were insisting either that the Albanians of Kosova were 'really' Slavs, or that they were 'Turks' who could be 'sent back' to Turkey."
  58. ^ a b Misha 2002, p. 41.
  59. ^ a b Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 177. "In the political context of the 1880s, however, emphasis on the antiquity of the Albanian nation served new political purposes, since Greek nationalism was no longer the sole threat to Albanian nationalism. In fact, it was designed to counter also the Slavic national movements, several of which in the 1880s were planning to create a Balkan federation as a means to liberate themselves from the dominion of the Sublime Porte."
  60. ^ a b Misha 2002, p. 42. "But gradually, while the Albanian national movement matured, the romantic Pelasgian theory and others were replaced by the theory of Illyrian descent, which was more convincing because it was supported by a number of scholars. The Illyrian descent theory soon became one of the principal pillars of Albanian nationalism because of its importance as evidence of Albanian historical continuity in Kosovo, as well as in the south of Albania, i.e in the areas contested by Serbs or Greeks."
  61. ^ a b Clayer 2005b, pp. 217.
  62. ^ Kokolakis 2003, p. 56. "Η διαδικασία αυτή του εξελληνισμού των ορθόδοξων περιοχών, λειτουργώντας αντίστροφα προς εκείνη του εξισλαμισμού, επιταχύνει την ταύτιση του αλβανικού στοιχείου με το μουσουλμανισμό, στοιχείο που θ' αποβεί αποφασιστικό στην εξέλιξη των εθνικιστικών συγκρούσεων του τέλους του 19ου αιώνα. [This process of Hellenisation of Orthodox areas, operating in reverse to that of Islamization, accelerated the identification of the Albanian element with Islam, an element that will prove decisive in the evolution of nationalist conflicts during the 19th century]"; p. 84. "Κύριος εχθρός του ελληνισμού από τη δεκαετία του 1880 και ύστερα ήταν η αλβανική ιδέα, που αργά μα σταθερά απομάκρυνε την πιθανότητα μιας σοβαρής ελληνοαλβανικής συνεργασίας και καθιστούσε αναπόφευκτο το μελλοντικό διαμελισμό της Ηπείρου. [The main enemy of Hellenism from the 1880s onward was the Albanian idea, slowly but firmly dismissed the possibility of serious Greek-Albanian cooperation and rendered inevitable the future dismemberment of Epirus.]"
  63. ^ a b Vickers 2011, pp. 60–61. "The Greeks too sought to curtail the spread of nationalism amongst the southern Orthodox Albanians, not only in Albania but also in the Albanian colonies in America."
  64. ^ Skendi 1967a, pp. 175–176, 179.
  65. ^ Cite error: The named reference Kokolakis91 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  66. ^ Pipa 1989, p. 196. "Most of the Tosk Orthodox patriots came from Korçë and its regions."
  67. ^ Babuna 2004, pp. 294–295. "The Orthodox nationalists were mainly active outside the Ottoman Empire. They made their greatest contribution to the national cause (mainly educational and propaganda work) through the Albanian colonies."
  68. ^ Nitsiakos 2010, p. 56. "The Orthodox Christian Albanians, who belonged to the rum millet, identified themselves to a large degree with the rest of the Orthodox, while under the roof of the patriarchate and later the influence of Greek education they started to form Greek national consciousness, a process that was interrupted by the Albanian national movement in the 19th century and subsequently by the Albanian state."; p. 153. "The influence of Hellenism on the Albanian Orthodox was such that, when the Albanian national idea developed, in the three last decades of the 19th century, they were greatly confused regarding their national identity."
  69. ^ a b Austin 2012, p. 4. "Noli... Hoping to eliminate Greek influence within the Albanian Orthodox Church, he focused his early activities on translating the church liturgy into Albanian and establishing an independent Albanian Orthodox Church. The latter he considered as vital to Albania's evolution into a unified nation and as a major blow to the supporters of the Greek 'Great Idea'."
  70. ^ Skoulidas 2013. para. 18, 27-29.
  71. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 91. "In one case, a guerilla band executed Father Kristo Negovani (1875-1905) on 12 February 1905, two days after he had performed a church service in Albanian. To avenge his death, a guerilla leader named Bajo Topulli (1868-1930) waylaid and murdered Phiotos, the bishop of Görice, in September 1906.
  72. ^ a b Ramet 1998, p. 206. "The nationalist cause was given impetus in 1905 when the Albanian priest and poet, Papa Kristo Negovani, was killed by Greek chauvinists after he had introduced the Albanian language into Orthodox liturgy."
  73. ^ a b Clayer 2005. para. 7. "Negovani... Au début de l'année 1905, avec son frère lui aussi pope et trois autres villageois, il est victime d'une bande grecque et devient le premier « martyr » de la cause nationale albanaise"; para. 8, 26.
  74. ^ Blumi 2011, p. 167. "Negovani’s actions caused institutional responses that ultimately intensified the contradictions facing the church and its imperial patron. In the end, Papa Kristo Negovani was murdered for his acts of defiance of the explicit orders of Karavangjelis, the Metropolitan of Kastoria, who condemned the use of Toskërisht during mass.
  75. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference Biernat1415 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  76. ^ Skendi 1967a, p. 162.
  77. ^ Vickers 2011, p. 61.
  78. ^ a b Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 176. "However, Greek nationalism continued to be a source of concern for Albanian nationalists later on in the century. After the creation of the Greek state in 1830, and in the light of its mounting expansionist ambitions in the second half of the nineteenth century, the Albanian desire to assert a separate cultural identity represented also a reaction against Greek nationalists, who coveted territories inhabited by Albanians in the Ottoman Balkans, especially in the fiercely contested vilayet of Yiannina, a province containing a mixture of different populations."
  79. ^ Cite error: The named reference Malcolm77 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  80. ^ Cite error: The named reference De Rapper7c was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
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