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The 1994 Irish government crisis was a political event in the Republic of Ireland that occurred between November and December 1994. It saw the fracturing and eventual collapse of Taoiseach Albert Reynolds' governing coalition between Fianna Fáil and the Labour Party. However, no election was called and as a result, a new government was formed between Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left, the first (and to date the only) such change in government in Ireland's history.

Background

In 1992, the previous coalition between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, also headed by Albert Reynolds, collapsed. This was caused by a similar deterioration in relations between the government parties, driven primarily in the mutual antipathy^[1] between Reynolds and Des O'Malley, leader of the PDs. Matters came to a head in late 1992 during an inquiry into corruption in Ireland's beef industry which implicated Reynolds and at which O'Malley provided evidence. During one hearing Reynolds dismissed O'Malley testimony and in effect accused him of perjury, which caused the PDs to leave government^[2]. The Reynolds government fell on a motion of no confidence shortly after^[3].

Fianna Fáil-Labour coalition

The results of the subsequent election were considered particularly bad for Fianna Fáil^[4], which dropped 10 seats and fell to 39% of the vote, its worst result since the 1920s. In contrast, the Labour party under Dick Spring had maintained a strongly anti-Fianna Fáil line since the 1980s and did extremely well as a result of Reynold's unpopularity, gaining 17 seats. While it was expected that Fianna Fáil would lose office as a result, disagreements between Fine Gael and Labour over coalition partners and the position of Taoiseach prevented an alternative government being formed^[5].

Reynolds offered Labour a coalition deal that would allow the party to implement its manifesto, at the cost of reneging on its promise to remove Fianna Fáil from power. This deal was sweetened by the unexpectedly large share of the EU structural funds Reynolds had managed to negotiate in late 1992^[6].

After what was then the longest government formation in Irish history, the government took office with the largest majority then held by an Irish government. Despite this majority, the coalition proved turbulent. Lingering issues around the Beef tribunal caused tension, especially the publication of its report. A controversial tax amnesty in early 1993 also proved divisive and prompted criticism towards Labour for allowing its implementation.

Another factor raised by Fergus Finlay(a senior advisor to Labour) was the personalities of Spring and Reynolds which he viewed as incompatible^[7].Similarly, Seán Duignan liken it to his relationship with O'Malley: Reynolds was quick to offend and did little to try to maintain a friendly atmosphere with his deputy^[8].

Crisis

Appointment of Harry Whelahan

Thomas Finlay retired as Chief Justice of Ireland in September 1994, and Liam Hamilton was promoted from President of the High Court to replace him.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). In early 1994, when the government was considering forthcoming judicial appointments, the Attorny General Harry Whelehan expressed an interest in becoming President of the High Court and a Judge of the High Court, to which Reynolds gave a personal commitment.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). This was opposed by Dick Spring, not only due to the quid pro quo nature of the arrangement but also due to Whelehan's controversial role in the X Case, where he was blamed for preventing a 14 year old girl from travelling to the UK in order to undergo an abortion. In the autumn of 1994, the row intensified as neither Reynolds nor Spring appeared to back down.

Brendan Smyth affair

In March 1993, the Royal Ulster Constabulary requested the extradition of Brendan Smyth, a priest arrested for child sex abuse. On 6 October 1994, an edition of UTV's Counterpoint programme revealed that eight months later, in November 1993, the request was still at the Office of the Attorney General, when the RUC informed the Office that Smyth had voluntarily given himself up in Northern Ireland. The programme suggested this delay was deliberate (possibly in view of Whelehan's conservative beliefs). Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).. These revelations caused public uproar with one poll showing less than one in 5 supported Whelehan's appointment.

In response, Whelehan stated he had not known of the case.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). The delay was variously blamed on short staffing in the office and the complexity of the case, which might fall under a previously unused provision of the law on extradition.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).. Despite this, Reynolds proceeded to appoint Whelehan as President of the High Court, at a cabinet meeting from which Labour ministers were absent.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). Mary Robinson, the President of Ireland, confirmed his appointment the same day, and he took his oath of office from the Chief Justice on 15 November.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page)..This decision, combined with the Smyth revelations and their earlier opposition to Whelehan, prompted the Labour party to walk out from cabinetCite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page)..

15th November

Attempting to save his government, Reynolds requested that Whelehan prepare a memorandum on the Smyth case, which was delivered on 15 November 1994. This claimed the case was the first one to involve section 50 of the Extradition Act 1965 (inserted by section 2(1)(b) of the Extradition (Amendment) Act 1987).Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). In the Dáil on 15 November 1994, Reynolds summarised the report he had received from Whelehan and publically expressed his regret towards overruling his coalition partner and "any inadvertent offence caused to the Tánaiste and his Labour Party colleagues"^[9].

It was later reported that Whelehan's successor as Attorney General, Eoghan Fitzsimons, had tried to persuade Whelehan to resign his judgeship, to no avail.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).

16th November

This statement appeared to mollify Labour, who signed an agreement to renew the coalition on the morning of the 16th, just before a confidence motion tabled by the opposition was due to be voted on. What occurred subsequently is unclear, with conflicting accounts. It appears that Spring received a phone call from an unknown partyCite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page)., or otherwise received adviceCite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page)., informing him that there had been a precedent involving another paedophile cleric, John Anthony Duggan, which had been resolved promptly in 1992 by Whelehan after considering section 50 of the Extradition Act.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).. Spring revealed this matter to the Dáil during the confidence debate, and announced the Labour party had withdrawn from the government in order to vote no confidence. Reynolds, facing defeat, nevertheless stated he regretted having appointed Whelehan, and criticised his failure to inform the government about the Duggan case. This was sharply attacked by the leader of Fine Gael, John Bruton as 'the merciless destruction of another man's reputation in order to save his own skin'Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page)..

At this point, the political atmosphere was described as 'feral' and serious rumours began to circulate inside and outside the Dáil. Pat Rabbite alleged that another, unspecified document was circulating in the Attorney General's office that would 'rock the foundations of this society to its very roots'^[10]

17th November

After a mere two days in office, Whelehan finally resigned, stating he wished to "keep the judiciary out of politics".Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page). Reynolds ordered Fitzsimons to report on his predecessor's conduct of the Smyth case.Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).. Facing defeat in the Dáil, Reynolds and his government also resigned, marking the formal end of the government.

Attempts to form alternative government

After Albert Reynolds was replaced as Fianna Fáil leader by Bertie Ahern, there was speculation that Labour would rejoin Fianna Fáil in government. Negociations began shortly after Reynold's resignation and continued until 6th December, despite the misgivings of many in the Labour party including Fergus Finlay. These talks were said to have proceeded to an advanced stage, with the relationship between Spring and Ahern noted as being more positive than that between Spring and Reynolds.

During the night of 5th-6th December, Spring recieved Eoghan Fitzsimons' report on the Whelehan affair and discovered that senior members of Fianna Fáil, including Ahern, had knowledge of the Duggan case before the 16th November but had both failed to inform Spring and had proceeded with Whelehan's appointment.

but instead it formed a government with two parties which had been in opposition. By-election gains since 1992 meant the three parties had enough TDs between them for an overall majority. It is the only time to date that a new government was formed within the same Dáil term composed of different parties.